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Reflect carefully on your experience as a student and an instructor. Consider both your positive role models and those instructors whose mistakes you swore you would never repeat pdf. How do we balance increasing demand for food, fuel, and fiber with protection of human rights and natural ecosystems, each operating at different spatial scales Autobiography of Dupont De Nemours www. We offer over undergraduate and graduate programs across three campuses in the Greater Toronto Area pdf.
Then he would argue for the desirability of fostering certain dispositions by certain methods, partly on the basis of experience and science and partly on the basis of premises taken from other parts of his philosophy—from his ethics and value theory, from his political and social philosophy, or from his epistemology, metaphysics, or philosophy of mind ref.
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As is established below the professional educator has a fiduciary relationship with the learner and that relationship incorporates and is defined by the dual responsibilities of providing benefit and avoiding harm. Not to teach well would be to teach in a manner that was not effective or as effective as it might be pdf. Since language is crucial in nearly all human activity, the philosophy of language can enhance our understanding both of other academic fields and of much of what we ordinarily do. There are many other subfields of philosophy, and it is in the nature of philosophy as critical inquiry to develop new subfields when new directions in the quest for knowledge, or in any other area of human activity, raise new intellectual problems An Autobiography download pdf.
Is this your first time writing a big paper? Keep in mind that you must complete all the requirements to major in a subject area. Space and Place: Students will explore the importance of landscape and place in American culture. In Practicing Human Geography, students will employ a variety of both quantitative and qualitative methodologies in specific research contexts. Professor Korsgaard will also give a colloquium talk on March 10 in the department. The University offers undergraduate and graduate courses, including professional development and continuing education offerings.
Courses are offered on campus and online. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Television programs I. Title Bibliography: p. Includes indexes. Television and politics. Popular culture. Title PN F57 Popularity Realism and discourse Television and social change 4 Subjectivity and address.
The social subject The discursive subject Addressing the subject Psychoanalysis and the subject 5 Active audiences. Text and social subjects Making meanings Modes of reception Gossip and oral culture The social determinations of meanings 6 Activated texts. The polysemy of the television text Open, writerly texts Producerly texts Segmentation and flow Television and oral culture 7 Intertextuality. Horizontal intertextuality Genre Inescapable intertextuality Vertical intertextuality: reading the secondary text The tertiary text Intertextuality and polysemy 8 Narrative.
Realism revisited Structuralist approaches to narrative Mythic narrative Narrative structures Narrative codes Televisual narrative 9 Character reading. Realist and structural approaches Reading character from the primary text Reading character: the secondary texts Identification, implication, and ideology 10 Gendered television: femininity.
Soap opera form Disruption Deferment and process Sexuality and empowerment Excess Plenitude and polysemy The feminine as decentered 11 Gendered television: masculinity The structure of the masculine A-Team The absence of women The absence of work and marriage The A-Team as achievement The phallus, the penis, and porn Male bonding and the hero team Gender and narrative form 12 Pleasure and play Psychoanalysis and pleasure Pleasure and social control Pleasure, play, and control Pleasure and rule breaking Empowering play Pleasure and textuality 13 Carnival and style Rock n Wrestling Style and music video The pleasures of Miami Vice Commodified pleasure 14 Quizzical pleasures.
Game and ritual Knowledge and power Luck Commodities The active audience Articulating quiz shows 15 News readings, news readers. The strategies of containment Categorization Subcategories Objectivity Exnomination and inoculation Metaphor News narrative News analysis The forces of disruption 16 Conclusion: the popular economy. The problem of the popular The two economies Popular cultural capital Resistance and semiotic power Diversity and difference References. Subject index -viChapter 1 Some television, some topics, and some terminology Any book about television culture is immediately faced with the problem of defining its object.
What is television? And, equally problematically, what is culture? Television-as-culture is a crucial part of the social dynamics by which the social structure maintains itself in a constant process of production and reproduction: meanings, popular pleasures, and their circulation are therefore part and parcel of this social structure.
Television, its viewers, and the ways it functions in society, are so multifarious that no tightly focused theoretical perspective can provide us with adequate insight. The theoretical and methodological roots of this book lie in that loosely delineated area known as cultural studies which derives from particular inflections of Marxism, semiotics, post-structuralism, and ethnography. This area encompasses both textually inflected and socially inflected theories of culture, and requires theoretical, analytical, and empirical approaches to rub together in a mutually critical and productive relationship.
The book will focus on the problem of how the textuality of television is made meaningful and pleasurable by its variously situated viewers, though it will also consider the relationship between this cultural dimension and televisions status as a commodity in a capitalist economy. But we start by considering television as a cultural agent, particularly as a provoker and circulator of meanings.
How meanings are produced is one of the central problematics of the book, but a convenient place to start is with the simple notion that television broadcasts programs that are replete with potential meanings, and that it attempts to control and focus this meaningfulness into a more singular preferred meaning that performs the work of the dominant ideology. We shall need to interrogate this notion later, but I propose to start with a traditional semiotic account of how television makes, or attempts to make, meanings that serve the dominant interests in society, and how it circulates these meanings amongst the wide variety of social groups that constitute its audiences.
I shall do this by analyzing a short segment of two scenes from a typical, prime-time, long-running series, Hart to Hart, in order to demonstrate some basic critical. The Harts are a wealthy, high-living husband and wife detective team. In this particular episode they are posing as passengers on a cruise ship on which there has been a jewel robbery. In scene 1 they are getting ready for a dance during which they plan to tempt the thief to rob them, and are discussing how the robbery may have been effected.
In scene 2 we meet the villain and villainess, who have already noticed Jennifer Harts ostentatiously displayed jewels. HERO: Yeh. I tried those earlier. They worked perfectly. HERO: Just trying to eliminate all the possibilities. Can you check this out for me. He gestures to his bow tie. Yes I can. He hugs her. Light fingers. Oh, Jonathon. HERO: Just trying to keep my touch in shape.
HERO: Those keys cant be duplicated because of the code numbers. You have to have the right machines. HERO: The porthole. The porthole. I know they are supposed to be charming, but they always remind me of a laundromat. HERO: I took a peek out of there a while ago. Its about all you can do. Its thirty feet up to the deck even if you could make it down to the window, porthole. Youd have to be the thin man to squeeze through.
She shows her jewelry. Enough honey to attract the bees? HERO: Who knows? They may not be able to see the honey for the flowers. Well, shall we? Gestures towards the door. I didnt have my jewelers glass, but that bracelets got to be worth at least fifty thousand. Weve made our quota one hit on each ship. We said we werent going to get greedy, remember. And I dont like you taking all those chances. But if we could get enough maybe we wouldnt have to go back to the Riviera circuit for years.
But we are going to need a bit more for our retirement fund. The codes of television Figure 1. A code is a rule-governed system of signs, whose rules and conventions are shared amongst members of a culture, and which is used to generate and circulate meanings in and for that culture. For a fuller discussion of codes in semiotics see Fiske or OSullivan et al. Codes are links between producers, texts, and audiences, and are the agents of intertextuality through which texts interrelate in a network of meanings that constitutes our cultural world.
These codes work in a complex hierarchical structure that Figure 1. In particular, the categories of codes are arbitrary and slippery, as is their classification into levels in the hierarchy; for instance, I have put speech as a social code, and dialogue i.
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Similarly, I have called casting a conventional representational code, and appearance a social one, but the two differ only in intentionality and explicitness. Peoples appearance in real life is already encoded: in so far as we make sense of people by their appearance we do so according to conventional codes in our culture. The casting director is merely using these codes more consciously and more conventionally, which means more stereotypically. The point is that reality is already encoded, or rather the only way we can perceive and make sense of reality is by the codes of our culture.
There may be an objective, empiricist reality out there, but there is no universal, -4Figure 1. Level three: IDEOLOGY which are organized into coherence and social acceptability by the ideological codes, such as those of: individualism, patriarchy, race, class, materialism, capitalism, etc. What passes for reality in any culture is the product of that cultures codes, so reality is always already encoded, it is never raw. If this piece of encoded reality is televised, the technical codes and representational conventions of the medium are brought to bear upon it so as to make it a transmittable technologically and b an appropriate cultural text for its audiences.
Some of the social codes which constitute our reality are relatively precisely definable in terms of the medium through which they are expressed - skin color, dress, hair, facial expression, and so on. Different sorts of trees have different connotative meanings encoded into them, so do rocks and birds. So a tree reflected in a lake, for example, is fully encoded even before it is photographed and turned into the setting for a romantic narrative. Similarly the technical codes of television can be precisely identified and analyzed.
The choices available to the camera person, for example, to give meaning to what is being photographed are limited and specifiable: they consist of framing, focus, distance, movement of the camera or the lens , camera placing, or angle and lens choice. But the conventional and ideological codes and the relationship between them are much more elusive and much harder to specify, though it is the task of criticism to do just that.
For instance, the conventions that govern the representation of speech as realistic dialogue in scene 1 pp. The representational convention by which women are shown to lack knowledge which men possess and give to them is an example of the ideological code of patriarchy. Similarly the conventional representation of crime as theft of personal property is an encoding of the ideology of capitalism.
The naturalness with which the two fit together in the scene is evidence of how these ideological codes work to organize the other codes into producing a congruent and coherent set of meanings that constitute the common sense of a society. The process of making sense involves a constant movement up and down through the levels of the diagram, for sense can only be produced when reality, representations, and ideology merge into a coherent, seemingly natural unity. Semiotic or cultural criticism deconstructs this unity and exposes its naturalness as a highly ideological construct.
A semiotic analysis attempts to reveal how these layers of encoded meanings are structured into television programs, even in as small a segment as the one we are working with. The small size of the segment encourages us to perform a detailed analytical reading of it, but prevents us talking about larger-scale codes, such as those of the narrative.
But it does provide a good starting point for our work. Much of the pleasure of television realism comes from this sense of omniscience that it gives us. Chapter 2 develops this point in more detail. Camera distance is used to swing our sympathies away from the villain and villainess, and towards the hero and heroine.
The normal camera distance in television is mid-shot to close-up, which brings the viewer into an intimate, comfortable relationship with the characters on the screen. But the villain and villainess are also shown in extreme close-up ECU. Throughout this whole episode of Hart to Hart there are only three. Extreme close-ups become a codified way for representing villainy. It is also used in news and current affairs programs which present themselves as bringing reality to us objectively. The court action resulting from General Westmorelands libel suit against the CBS in revealed these codes more questionably at work in television reporting.
Alex Jones recounts their use in his report of the trial for the New York Times: Among the more controversial techniques is placing an interviewee in partial shadow in order to lend drama to what is being said. Also debated is the use of extreme close-ups that tend to emphasize the tension felt by a person being interviewed; viewers may associate the appearance of tension with lying or guilt.
The extreme close-up can be especially damaging when an interview is carefully scripted and a cameraman is instructed to focus tightly on the persons face at the point when the toughest question is to be asked. Some documentary makers will not use such close-ups at all in interviews because they can be so misleading. The CBS documentary contained both a shadowed interview of a friendly witness and tight shots of General Westmoreland.
Such techniques have been used in documentaries by other networks as well. Even the wariest viewer is likely to find it difficult to detect some other common techniques. I cant imagine a general viewer getting so sophisticated with techniques that they could discount them, said Reuven Frank, a former president at NBC News who has been making documentaries for about 30 years. NYT, February 17, 8E There are two possible sources of the conventions that govern the meanings generated by this code of camera distance.
One is the social code of interpersonal distance: in western cultures the space within about 24 inches 60 cm of us is encoded as private. Anyone entering it is being either hostile, when the entry is unwelcome, or intimate, when it is invited. ECUs replicate this, and are used for moments of televisual intimacy or hostility, and which meanings they convey depends on the other social and technical codes by which they are contextualized, and by the ideological codes brought to bear upon them.
Here, they are used to convey hostility. The other source lies in the technical codes which imply that seeing closely means seeing better - the viewer can see into the villain, see through his words, and thus gains power over him, the power and the pleasure of dominant specularity see chapter 2.
These technical and social codes manifest the ideological encoding of villainy. I am reminded of Hogbens anecdote about the occasion when he was given a hostile treatment in a television interview. He did, however, manage to convince the interviewer that his point of view deserved more sympathy, whereupon the interviewer insisted they record the interview again, but this time without the greenish-white studio lighting.
EDITING The heroes are given more time 72 secs than the villains 49 , and more shots 10 as against 7 , though both have an average shot length of 7 seconds. It is remarkable how consistent this is across different modes of television see Fiske b : it has become a conventional rhythm of television common to news, drama, and sport. MUSIC The music linking the two scenes started in a major key, and changed to minor as the scene changed to the villains.
But they are equally media people, who exist for the viewer intertextually, and whose meanings are also intertextual. They bring with them not only residues of the meanings of other roles that they have played, but also their meanings from other texts such as fan magazines, showbiz gossip columns, and television criticism. Gerbners work showed that viewers were clear about the different characteristics of television heroes and villains on two dimensions only: heroes were more attractive and more successful than villains.
Their attractiveness, or lack of it, is partly the result of the way they are encoded in the technical and social codes - camera work, lighting, setting, casting, etc. In his analysis of violence on television, Gerbner found that heroes and villains are equally likely to use violence and to initiate it, but that heroes were successful in their violence, whereas villains finally were not. Gerbner worked out a killers-to-killed ratio according to different categories of age, sex, class, and race.
The killers category included heroes and villains, but the killed category included villains only. He found that a character who was white, male, middle class or classless and in the prime of life was very likely, if not certain, to be alive at the end of the program. Conversely characters who deviated from these norms were likely to be killed during the program in proportion to the extent of their deviance.
We may use Gerbners findings to theorize that heroes are socially central types who embody the dominant ideology, whereas villains and victims are members of deviant or subordinate subcultures who thus embody the dominant ideology less completely, and may, in the case of villains, embody ideologies that oppose it. This theory is discussed more fully in Fiske and Hartley and in Fiske The villain in this segment has hints of non-Americanness; some viewers have classed his accent, manner, and speech as British, for others his appearance has seemed Hispanic.
The villainess is Aryan, blonde, pretty, and younger than the villain. Gerbners work would lead us to predict that his chances of surviving the episode are slim, whereas hers are much better. The prediction is correct. Let us look at how some of them are working to generate meanings and how they embody the ideological codes of level 3. The villain wears a uniform that places him as a servant or employee and the villainesss dress is less tasteful, less expensive than the heroines.
These physical differences in the social codes of setting and dress are also bearers of the ideological codes of class, of heroism and villainy, of morality, and of attractiveness. These abstract ideological codes are condensed into a set of material social ones, and the materiality of the differences of the social codes is used to guarantee the truth and naturalness of the ideological. We must note, too, how some ideological codes are more explicit than others: the codes of heroism, villainy, and attractiveness are working fairly openly and acceptably. But under them the codes of class, race, and morality are working less openly and more.
Conversely, the middleclass and the white American is correlated with the more attractive, the more moral and the heroic. This displacement of morality onto class is a common feature of our popular culture: Dorfman and Mattelart have shown how Walt Disney cartoons consistently express villainy through characteristics of working-class appearance and manner; indeed they argue that the only time the working class appear in the middleclass world of Ducksville it is as villains. Fiske has found the same textual strategy in the Dr Who television series.
The villainess has a number of signs that contradict her villainy she is blonde, white American, pretty, and more moral than the villain. These predict her eventual conversion to the side of the hero and heroine, but she cannot look too like them at this early stage of the narrative, so her lips are made up to be thinner and less sexually attractive than the fuller lips of the heroine. The ideology of lipstick may seem a stretched concept, but it is in the aggregate of apparently insignificant encodings that ideology works most effectively.
In both cabins the women are prettying themselves, the men are planning. The other action common to both is the getting and keeping of wealth as a motive for action, and as a motor for the narrative: this also is not part of the conflict-tobe-resolved, but part of the ideological framework through which that conflict is viewed and made sense of. A difference between the two is that of cooperation and closeness.
The hero and heroine co-operate and come physically closer together, the villain and villainess, on the other hand, disagree and pull apart physically. In a society that places a high value on a man and woman being a close couple this is another bearer of the dominant ideology. If we adopt the same ideological practice in the decoding as the encoding we are drawn into the position of a white, male, middle-class American or westerner of conventional morality.
The reading position is the social point at which the mix of televisual, social, and ideological codes comes together to make coherent, unified sense: in making sense of the program in this way we are indulging in an ideological practice ourselves, we are maintaining and legitimating the dominant ideology, and our reward for this is the easy pleasure of the recognition of the familiar and of its adequacy. We have already become a reading subject constructed by the text, and, according to Althusser , the construction of subjects-in-ideology is the major ideological practice in capitalist societies.
But it does more than that. Freud tells us that jokes are used to relieve the anxiety caused by repressed, unwelcome, or taboo meanings. This joke revolves around the feminine as defined by our dominant culture inability to understand or use technical language, and the equally feminine tendency to make sense of everything through a domestic discourse.
Porthole is technical discourse - masculine: window-laundromat is domestic-nurturing discourse - feminine. The anxiety that the joke relieves is that caused by the fact that the heroine is a detective, is involved in the catching of criminals activities that are part of the technical world of men in patriarchy.
The joke is used to recuperate contradictory signs back into the dominant system, and to smooth over any contradictions that might disrupt the ideological homogeneity of the narrative. The attractiveness of the heroine must not be put at risk by allowing her challenge to patriarchy to be too stark - for attractiveness is always ideological, never merely physical or natural. The metaphor that expresses the sexual attractiveness of women for men in terms of the attraction of honey and flowers for the bees works in a similar way.
It naturalizes this attraction, masking its ideological dimension, and then extends this naturalness to its explanation of the attractiveness of other peoples jewelry for lower-class non-American villains! The metaphor is working to naturalize cultural constructions of gender, class, and race. The third device is that of jewelry itself. As we have seen, the getting and keeping of wealth is the major motor of the narrative, and jewelry is its material signifier.
For the hero and heroine and for the class they represent this function is left unstated: jewelry, if it is an investment, is one to hold, not cash in. It is used rather as a sign of class, of wealth, and of aesthetic taste. The aesthetic sense, or good taste, is typically used as a bearer and naturalizer of class differences. The heroine deliberately overdoes the jewelry, making it vulgar and tasteless in order to attract the lower-class villain and villainess.
They, in their turn, show their debased taste, their aesthetic insensitivity, by likening it to the icing on a cupcake. As Bourdieu has shown us, the function of aesthetics in our society is to make classbased and culture-specific differences of taste appear universal and therefore natural. The taste of the dominant classes is universalized by aesthetic theory out of its class origin; the metaphor of taste works in a similar way by displacing class differences onto the physical, and therefore natural, senses of the body.
Jewels are the coins by which the female-as-patriarchal-commodity is bought, and wearing them is the sign both of her possession by a man, and of his economic and social status. This analysis has not only revealed the complexity of meanings encoded in what is frequently taken to be shallow and superficial, but it also implies that this complexity and subtlety has a powerful effect upon the audience. It implies that the wide variety of codes all cohere to present a unified set of meanings that work to maintain, legitimate, and naturalize the dominant ideology of patriarchal capitalism.
Their ideological effectivity appears irresistible. The resistibility of ideology is one of the themes that runs through this book, and later on, in chapters 5 and 6, we will return to this analysis, complicate it, and contradict its main implications. For the moment, however, it serves to demonstrate that popular television is both complex and deeply infused with ideology. Some terminology This book is not concerned with television as an industrial practice or as a profit-making producer of commodities, though it is obviously both of these, but attempts to understand it from the perspective of its audiences.
For our purposes, then, television consists of the programs that are transmitted, the meanings and pleasures that are produced from them, and, to a lesser extent, the way it is incorporated into the daily routine of its audiences. We will concentrate on typical television - the most popular, mainstream, internationally distributed programs, for these are the ones of greatest significance in popular culture.
To understand television in this way we need to see it and its programs as potentials of meaning rather than as commodities. A program is a clearly defined and labeled fragment of televisions output. It has clear boundaries, both temporal and formal, and it relates to other programs in terms of generic similarity and, more essentially, of difference. We know that an ad is not part of a program, we know when one program finishes and another starts. Programs are stable, fixed entities, produced and sold as commodities, and organized by schedulers into distribution packages.
A text is a different matter altogether. Programs are produced, distributed, and defined by the industry: texts are the product of their readers. So one program can stimulate the production of many texts according to the social conditions of its reception.
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Texts are the site of conflict between their forces of production and modes of reception. The analysis we have just performed shows how the dominant ideology is structured into popular texts by the discourses and conventions that inform the practices of production and that are a part of their reception. But what it has not shown is how other discourses, other conventions can be brought to bear upon it that may conflict with the dominant ones structured into it.
A text is the site of struggles for meaning that reproduce the conflicts of interest between the producers and consumers of the cultural commodity. A program is produced by the industry, a text by its readers. To understand both the production of programs and the production of meanings from them, we need to understand the workings of discourse.
This is, in itself, a multidiscursive term; that is, its usage varies according to the discourse in which it is situated. At its simplest, discourse is the organization of language above the level of the sentence: it is thus an extensive use of language. By extension it can cover nonverbal languages so that one can talk of the discourse of the camera or of lighting. This formalistic use does not get us very far, for it ignores the social and ideological dimension.
Discourse is a language or system of representation that has developed socially in order to make and circulate a coherent set of meanings about an important topic area. These meanings serve the interests of that section of society within which the discourse originates and which works ideologically to naturalize those meanings into common sense.
Discourses are power relations OSullivan et al. Discourse is thus a social act which may promote or oppose the dominant ideology, and is thus often referred to as a discursive practice. The meaning of infancy. From "Excursions of an evolutionist". The part played by infancy in the evolution of man. From " A century of science".
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The more-crude theories of early times are to be chiefly distinguished from the less-crude theories of to-day as being largely the products of random guesswork. Hypothesis, or guesswork, indeed, lies at the foundation of all scientific knowledge. You can read this book with Apple. John Fiske The historical book deals with the American revolution. Essential John Fiske Collection 10 books and essay collections.
The riddle of the universe, like less important riddles, is unravelled only by approximative trials, and the most brilliant discoverers have usually been the bravest guessers. Kepler's laws were the result of indefatigable guessing, and so, in a somewhat different sense, was the wave-theory of light. But the guesswork of scientific inquirers is very different now from what it was in older times.
Louis, in May, , in the course of my annual visit to that institution as University Professor of American History.