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Carl Schmitt. Katholische Gedanke , Print book : German : [2. Politik Katholizismus Katholizismus -- Politik.


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About Carl Schmitt.

Römischer Katholizismus und politische Form

Carl Schmitt. Carl Schmitt's early career as an academic lawyer falls into the last years of the Wilhelmine Empire. See for Schmitt's life and career: Bendersky ; Balakrishnan ; Mehring But Schmitt wrote his most influential works, as a young professor of constitutional law in Bonn and later in Berlin, during the Weimar-period: Political Theology, presenting Schmitt's theory of sovereignty, appe Carl Schmitt's early career as an academic lawyer falls into the last years of the Wilhelmine Empire.

But Schmitt wrote his most influential works, as a young professor of constitutional law in Bonn and later in Berlin, during the Weimar-period: Political Theology, presenting Schmitt's theory of sovereignty, appeared in , to be followed in by The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy, which attacked the legitimacy of parliamentary government.

In , Schmitt published the first version of his most famous work, The Concept of the Political, defending the view that all true politics is based on the distinction between friend and enemy.

Schmitt’s Political Theology as a Methodological Approach | IWM

The culmination of Schmitt's work in the Weimar period, and arguably his greatest achievement, is the Constitutional Theory which systematically applied Schmitt's political theory to the interpretation of the Weimar constitution. During the political and constitutional crisis of the later Weimar Republic Schmitt published Legality and Legitimacy, a clear-sighted analysis of the breakdown of parliamentary government Germany, as well as The Guardian of the Constitution, which argued that the president as the head of the executive, and not a constitutional court, ought to be recognized as the guardian of the constitution.

In these works from the later Weimar period, Schmitt's declared aim to defend the Weimar constitution is at times barely distinguishable from a call for constitutional revision towards a more authoritarian political framework Dyzenhaus , 70—85; Kennedy , — Though Schmitt had not been a supporter of National Socialism before Hitler came to power, he sided with the Nazis after But Schmitt was ousted from his position of power within legal academia in , after infighting with academic competitors who viewed Schmitt as a turncoat who had converted to Nazism only to advance his career.

There is considerable debate about the causes of Schmitt's willingness to associate himself with the Nazis. Some authors point to Schmitt's strong ambition and his opportunistic character but deny ideological affinity Bendersky , —; Schwab But a strong case has been made that Schmitt's anti-liberal jurisprudence, as well as his fervent anti-semitism, disposed him to support the Nazi regime Dyzenhaus , 85—; Scheuerman Throughout the later Nazi period, Schmitt's work focused on questions of international law.

The immediate motivation for this turn seems to have been the aim to justify Nazi-expansionism.


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But Schmitt was interested in the wider question of the foundations of international law, and he was convinced that the turn towards liberal cosmopolitanism in 20th century international law would undermine the conditions of stable and legitimate international legal order. Schmitt's theoretical work on the foundations of international law culminated in The Nomos of the Earth, written in the early 's, but not published before Due to his support for and involvement with the Nazi dictatorship, the obstinately unrepentant Schmitt was not allowed to return to an academic job after Mehring , — Unsurprisingly, the significance and value of Schmitt's works What Schmitt did say he believed in, though, was the Paulinian figure of the Katechon.

He says so in his post-war diaries, published after his death at his request, under the title Glossarium.

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Here, Schmitt describes his belief in the Katechon as actual Glaube. Tertullian identified the Katechon with the Roman Empire, and this identification was later transposed onto the rulers of the Holy Roman Empire. The upholding of law and legal science in its traditional principles, the staving off of serious crises, the integration of exceptionality into the sovereign state order, all this points toward Katechontism. Nowhere else in his oeuvre was Schmitt ever as candid about the intersection of his beliefs and his political theory. Here, he clearly formulates a Katechontism in opposition to progressive philosophies of history, particularly Marxist ones.

Through identification with this figure, the Christian is freed to act in the world, in the attempt to restrain evil and the threatening chaotic rule of the Antichrist.

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But it is also important to understand that the Katechon is opposed to lawless transgressions—amongst which Schmitt would count the competing eschatologies of Marxist revolutionaries. The point is not simply to act in the world, but also to act against disorder and its agents.

At the heart of his Christianity is a principle of order and politico-legal restraint. This is an apocalyptic imaginary that may seem all-too-familiar today, with the growing unrest that seems to be unsettling the principles of the global orders of the post-Cold War era. Suddenly, the Schmittian principles of Katechontism are not as obscure and mystical as they may have appeared in another historical constellation.