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  1. Aluísio Azevedo | Revolvy
  2. In NONFICTION ESSAY
  3. Urban Space and National Identity in Early Twentieth Century São Paulo, Brazil
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Pinkney Davis Awesome list.

Aluísio Azevedo | Revolvy

It would be extremely helpful if it was listed one word per line. Is this list available in a spreadsheet file including the word pronounciation? I want to import this into a index card quiz tool. Bedo Muso. Dinh Pham.

In NONFICTION ESSAY

Fathuma Matheeha Legal Aid , No Downloads. Views Total views. Actions Shares. Embeds 0 No embeds. No notes for slide. The same material used in the video is presented here; it serves as complement for a more productive pronunciation practice. Only english, french, spanish and german translations are included here. He would write endlessly during the period of In he became a diplomat. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Patrons and members of the Brazilian Academy of Letters. Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. BP, on the contrary, tends to have the pronoun proclitic to the main verb, with no hyphen, as in 32c—32d.

The hyphenated variant used to be the norm in written BP but both forms coexist nowadays. EP Ele tinha-me falado desse assunto. BP Eu tenho te visto na praia. EP Devias-me avisar. BP Eles queriam me avisar desse problema. Quando te promoveram? Acabou de passar aquele cara que te ligou hoje cedo. Ele disse que me emprestava o dinheiro. Eu te chamo assim que me disserem alguma coisa.

Ele trouxe um livro para te dar no Natal. As mentioned in 3. Although lhe s may occur with this function in monitored BP, it is rare in unmonitored speech. Senhor Paulo, eu tenho um documento para lhe entregar. O gerente chamou o porteiro para lhe entregar o abono. BP Quero dar isto aqui para o senhor. BP Ele queria oferecer um livro ao professor. Perhaps to compensate for the low frequency of o, a, os, as as a direct object in unmonitored BP, many speakers — even educated ones — use lhe as direct object, creating sentences like those in 41a—41c, which traditional grammarians ineffectually frown upon.

BP Seu Paulo, eu quero lhe ouvir sobre esse assunto. Paulo, I want to hear you about this subject. Another is that of agent of a passive construction, with por 42e—42f :. EP Desculpa-me, mas esse documento deveria ser assinado por ti. Isso nunca foi aprovado por mim. There are several areas in which educated usage contradicts normative rules. One example is the use in BP of the first person prepositional pronoun mim as the subject of a verb in the infinitive, as in 44a, where a prescriptive rule would call for eu, as in 44b:. Another example, this time from EP, involves the stressed third person pro- noun si.

EP Isso foi feito por si? In 46a—46c the verb conveys a truly reflexive action in which the actor and the patient have the same referent. EP Banhas-te todos os dias? Alice olhou-se no espelho. Selma lembrou-se de que tinha um encontro. A minha cidade se chamava Batatais. O Daniel se queixa sem motivo. It is not surprising that such reflexive clitics should be regularly dropped in unmonitored BP, as in 49a—49d, a topic to which we will return in 7. Eu deito e levanto muito tarde. Eu arrependo muito de ter abandonado a faculdade. Sentence 50b, in turn, ambiguously allows for two interpretations: one is reciprocal, along the lines of 50a, and in the other each actor performs a reflexive action.

O marido e a mulher se mataram. Moramos aqui. Ela descia o morro todo dia e dizia que adorava a praia. Note that some such verbs can be used figuratively with a subject, 52b. O senador trovejou insultos. BP Fazem oito meses que ele faleceu. BP Houveram muitos problemas. BP Tinham muitas pessoas na Noca ontem? Other constructions with two or more verbs, however, present specific features that will be analyzed in the following sections. The subject noun phrase contains the semantic patient.

The semantic actor, if there is one, appears in a prepositional phrase introduced by por or, in archaizing styles, de. O desfile da escola de samba foi patrocinado pela prefeitura. O trombadinha ficou enterrado no mato. In 56c the state expressed by the participle arruinada is irreversible, but in 56d it may be reversed, provided the prohibition is lifted. In 56e—56f enterrado and confirmado likewise convey a state created by an action, but the focus is the result rather than the action itself.

In 57a and 57b anda and vive suggest a continuing or repetitive situation, perhaps more intensely in the latter case. Adalgisa anda deprimida ultimamente. Ele vivia amargurado pela morte do filho. Teve um momento que quase eu me vi perdido, mas consegui superar. Infelizmente o diretor acha-se completamente enganado. Ela anda bebendo muito. Pode deixar isso em cima da mesa. Eu vou acabar votando no PT. Other modals systematically combine with an infinitive by means of a specific connector, as in 62a—62e:.

Meu marido acabou de sair. Os sequestradores acabaram por se entregar. Finally, haver de combined with an infinitive, as in 63a—63b, suggests futurity combined with strong determination:. Eu hei de me vingar daquele canalha. Since modals may be combined with auxiliaries in passive constructions, strings of several verbs are possible 64a , although constructions of more than four verbs, like 64b, are not very frequent, probably because they involve redun- dancy that interferes with interpretation:.

One way of doing this is by means of a passive without an agent phrase 65a—65c. Foram sequestrados dois industriais no fim de semana. Os sequestradores foram presos na quinta-feira. Naquele tempo se estudava de verdade. Em Lisboa vive-se muito bem. Aluga-se quarto para rapaz solteiro. A sign. Vendem-se apartamentos novos e usados. Conserta-se motos. Then stir it well, adding crushed ice.

Sweeten [it] to taste and then drink [it] in good company. Although historically derived from a reflexive form, the indeterminate se does not connote reflexivity but rather a semantically unspecified actor. This is particularly apparent when the verb is intransitive and thus cannot be related to a patient. Since reflexivity requires an actor and a patient with the same referent, intransitive verbs cannot participate in a reflexive action. A transitive verb such as comprar, vender, or alugar 66c—66d appears in the third person singular form if the semantic patient is singular muito gado, quarto.

Prescriptive grammarians have traditionally adopted a formal interpretation for such constructions: the semantic patient is analyzed as the subject, and consequently its number will determine whether the verb should be singular as in 66d or plural as in 66e. Constructions without agreement, like 66f or 66g, however, occur regularly in the language and cannot be dismissed simply as resulting from poor grammar. The indeterminate se construction is a unique combination of semantic and syntactic features Azevedo , and should not be analyzed as a variant of other sentence types, such as reflexives or passives.

Sentences like 68a may have a reflexive reading, with portas as the apparent actor and patient, as when we interpret them to mean that opening and closing results from an automatic process. This is clearly different from a reflexive sentence with vender such as 68c. Esses apartamentos se vendem sozinhos. Aquelas pobres mulheres tinham que se vender para comer.

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On the other hand, whilst in 69a there is no hint of human intervention it might be a reference to doors that opened automatically , in 69b human intervention is assumed and there is no suggestion of any automatic process. This analysis provides a basis to consider the indeterminate se as having the same function in all the sentences in The subject—verb agreement in sentences like 68a is simply the result of the subject portas being interpreted as a plural and the structure being formally reflexive — without implying, however, semantic reflexivity Perini — Other syntactic devices for leaving the semantic actor unidentified include verbs in third person plural, with or without the pronoun eles:.

Spoken BP goes one step further and favors a subjectless construction, as in 71, with the verb in the third person singular 7. Para desmontar a pistola, primeiro tira o carregador. Passei a luz vermelha, o meganha me multou, meu dia estragou. Ele nem come nem deixa comer. Vens comigo ou vais com elas? Ele trabalha tanto como o outro rouba. Quanto mais a gente trabalha, menos dinheiro tem. Once it becomes a constituent of the matrix, the subordinate clause functions like a noun nominal clause , an adverb adverbial clause , or an adjective adjective or relative clause.

This is probably why the incidence of subordination increases in direct proportion to the level of formality. Whereas an informal chat tends to rely more on coordination, a formal presentation say, at a university lecture is likely to rely more on subordination, particularly in technical and scientific fields Marques Thus the bracketed NP in 77a and the bracketed embedded sentence in 77b function as the direct object of the transitive verb anunciaram: 77 a. Eu perguntei [NomC como eles vinham].

A subordinate nominal clause may also function as the subject of an imper- sonal verb as in 80a—80b, or of an impersonal construction as in 80c—80d, or of a full matrix sentence as in 80e: 80 a. If the same connector such as que is needed in both clauses, it may be omitted in the second clause in informal speech, as in 81b: 81 a. Eu sabia [[Nom que ele estava sem carro] e [Nom ia chegar atrasado]].

Whole clause as Restrictive Non-restrictive After prep. Free relative antecedent. A restrictive clause pro- vides information essential to characterize the noun phrase functioning as its antecendent. O amigo [RelC que me ajudou] mora em Coimbra. They are usually set off by commas that correspond to slight pauses in speech. A gente ia chegando [AdvC quando ele puxou o carro].

Papai trazia presentes [AdvC sempre que viajava]. A gente vai na boate [AdvC quando sobra dinheiro]. Consequently they may be moved around, so that 85g could just as well be Quando sobra dinheiro, a gente vai na boate, or A gente, quando sobra dinheiro, vai na boate. Since some connectors may be used in any one of the three types of embedded clauses 86a—86c, the classification of the subordinate clause depends on the function it performs in relation to the matrix clause. Although it hardly ever occurs outside formal speech and writing 7.

What is called the subjunctive in English is not a verb tense with its own forms, but rather a syntactic construction McArthur that survives primarily in formal usage, with the infini- tive the citation form of the verb , as in I require that the witness take rather than takes the stand now, which contrasts with, say, I know that the witness takes the stand whenever necessary.

Likewise, in the past, the infinitive would also be used, as in Her lawyers insisted that she take as opposed to took the Fifth Amendment. In colloquial usage the regular past form is used: If I was rich; if she was my wife. The subjunctive occurs primarily in subordinate clauses, where it is governed by an element present in the matrix. Since the nuances expressed by the subjunctive would require a whole volume, this section will be limited to an overview of its main uses. By contrast, in 95a—95c the verb, noun, or adjective in the main clause simply conveys the assumption that what comes in the subordinate clause is factual, and so the indicative is used.

Exhortative sentences have a subjunctive form introduced by que as in 96a—96c, and may be considered subordinate to a deleted main sentence con- taining a volition verb, that is, one expressing a wish or desire:. Os outros [NomC que se ocupem disso]. Eles [NomC que se danem! Such sentences commonly occur in exchanges like 98a—98b, where the volition verb present in the question is understood in the reply.

Eu imagino [NomC que ela vem, sim]. Eu imagino [NomC que ela venha, sim]. Acredito [NomC que ela vem, sim]. Acredito [NomC que ela venha, sim]. The indicative suggests an antecedent perceived as actual and specific, as in a. If that antecedent is viewed as a hypothetical entity, however, the verb will be in the subjunctive b: a. Eu quero comprar a moto [RelC que foi anunciada no jornal de ontem]. Eu quero comprar uma moto [RelC que tenha pouca quilometragem].

Eu quero comprar uma moto [RelC que foi anunciada no jornal de ontem]. Not so in b, where the subjunctive tenha suggests that no specific motorcycle with low mileage is known to exist, even though there is nothing improbable about its existence. In d, finally, the definite article suggests a specific entity, but its cooccurrence with the subjunctive suggests it is hypothetical — for example, an ideal motorcycle that the speaker knows has yet to be made. With conjunctions in group 1 , which introduce clauses that carry an assump- tion of reality a—c , there is no choice and therefore no contrast in mood.

Table 4. There is no contrast, since the verb is always in the subjunctive, as in a — c. Trabalhou cinco meses [AdvC sem que lhe pagassem nada]. Eu trabalho [AdvC para que me paguem]. Finally, adverbial clauses introduced by conjunctions of group 3 may have the verb either in the indicative or in the subjunctive.

Mood choice here corre- sponds to whether the event in the adverbial clause is perceived by the speaker as fulfilled indicative or as yet to be fulfilled, either because it is non-factual or because it is still in the future subjunctive. The prototypical conjunction case is the temporal conjunction quando a— h :. Eu entreguei o dinheiro, [Adv desde que eles me deram um recibo. Eu entreguei um recibo [Adv depois que me deram o dinheiro]. A verb in the indicative signals the assumption that the condition has been fulfilled. This may be a permanent situation, as in the case of a past event calling for the verb in the past subjunctive a—b.

In c—d the verb in the future subjunctive signals a condition that may yet be fulfilled. Talvez ele chegue hoje. Tomara que chova! In BP it is far more used in writing and in formal, monitored speech than in unmonitored speech, where its frequency is rather low. Perhaps because of that it has been suggested Martin that speakers of BP who learn the inflected infinitive do so through formal instruction rather than natural aquisition.

Even so, data from spontaneous speech are scarce, and consequently the phenomenon is far from being fully understood and linguists underscore the provisionality of their claims Perini , This brief presentation concentrates on the essentials and follows the main lines of the analysis given in Perini , a.

In a—d the inflected infinitive occurs in a sentence that serves as a complement to another sentence, to which it is connected by a preposition. A key factor here is whether or not an overt subject is associated with the verb in the infinitive, which is inflected if its overt subject is different from the subject of the other sentence, as in a—b. If there is no overt subject, inflection occurs if the subjects are different, as in c, and it is optional if the subject is the same, as in d.

A Dora deixou umas revistas para a gente ler. Comprei uma garrafa de vinho para a gente beber hoje de noite.


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Vamos comprar uma garrafa de vinho para beber hoje de noite. If we replace Madalena with a plural noun phrase, then the infinitive may be inflected or not, as in c—d. This means that in constructions involving a verb of perception followed by a noun phrase and an infinitive, the infinitive may or may not agree with the noun phrase. The situation is made a little more complex because not every native speaker agrees that sentences like b can have an inflected infinitive if the clitic is in the plural: Q.

In spoken BP, where ele s is regularly used as a direct object 7. Eu mandei os meninos fazer umas compras. Eu mandei os meninos fazerem umas compras. Eu sempre deixo eles brincar na rua. On the other hand, where word order may vary, sentence constituents are distributed in information bundles so as to facilitate comprehension. The subject is the head noun phrase NP , and the verb V , together with the object NP and other complements such as preposi- tional phrases and adverbial phrases, if any constitute the predicate.


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Variation in word order modifies the distribution of information by focusing on one component or another. What lies outside the topic constitutes the commentary. A productive process for varying word order consists in inverting the terms of the unmarked order. Example a is an ordinary sentence of the type SV, which if given as a reply to a question like E a Selma? In b the verb chegou provides a back- ground for the new information contained in Selma; this sentence might be uttered as a reply to Quem chegou?

This displacement of a component to topic position is known as topicalization. A Selma chegou. Chegou a Selma. In b pas- sivization topicalizes the reference to the parade, placing the information focus on the new information regarding who did the sponsoring, which constitutes the commentary. A Prefeitura patrocinou o desfile da Morro Branco.

O desfile da Morro Branco foi patrocinado pela Prefeitura. Eu mando na minha casa. Na minha casa, eu mando. Na minha casa, mando eu. Since the speaker is free to choose what will be topicalized, other arrangements are possible. Yet another way topicalization operates is by cleft sentences , which are created by placing the topicalized element in the main clause as the subject of a form of the verb ser.

The main clause then becomes the matrix of a subordinate clause introduced by a relative pronoun such as que. As shown in c, quem is possible if the antecedent is human. Foi esse povinho que invadiu a fazenda. Fui eu que pus os convites no correio. Foi ela quem trouxe essas revistas. Quem invadiu a fazenda foi aquele povinho. In Chapter 1 we glanced at the external history of Portuguese, and in Chapters 2 through 4 we examined aspects of its sounds, word forms, and the structure of phrases and sentences.

Such modifications affect sounds phonetic and phonological change , the shape of words morphological change , the structure of phrases and sentences syntactic change , the make-up of the lexicon lexical change , and the meaning of words semantic change. Given enough centuries, a language can be changed into a substantially different one. In this chapter we will consider some of the diachronic processes responsible for transforming popular spoken Latin into Portuguese.

A major obstacle, however, is that understanding those processes requires a knowledge of Latin, which most students nowadays lack. Consequently, we will only sketch a few of the major processes involved in the development of Portuguese, and com- plement our diachronic view with samples of earlier stages of the language, in order to give a panoramic notion of how it grew. In the heyday of the Roman Empire, the speech of the cultivated patrician minority, on which literary, or classical, Latin was based, was a highly inflected language. Accompanying words such as adjectives and determinants, as well as pronouns, were likewise marked by case endings.

In this popular Latin, spoken by the majority of the population, the inflection system tended to be simplified. As case endings were merged or dropped, two compensatory devices became indicators of syntactic function. One involved more extensive use of prepositions; the other was a more fixed word order. As in Portuguese or English today, popular speech also used many words not found in literary works, although many have survived in graffiti see below.

Likewise, literature employed many terms that were not used in the spoken language. It deserves special mention.

It involves complex processes largely arising from a widespread tendency to relax the articulation of some speech sounds, and to compensate for this by exaggerating the articulation of others. Eventually, it affects the contrasts between phonemes, thus leading to changes in the phonological system.

Phonological change happens when one phoneme coalesces with another, or splits into two new ones, or simply is lost altogether. Such rearrangements often induce modifications in the morphology of words, affecting morphemes that signal syntactic relations. This is what happened to Latin case endings.

Urban Space and National Identity in Early Twentieth Century São Paulo, Brazil

Given its generic aim, however, our presentation will be limited to examining some of the processes that occurred in the formation of Portuguese, without regard to their absolute chronology. Such changes may involve simple modifications of a phonetic nature. For example, voiceless consonants may become voiced in intervocalic between vowels position, pos- sibly due to their assimilation to the vowels, which are voiced.

Thus Portuguese ended up with a set of nasal vowels before syllable-final con- sonants and in word-final position. Changes that cannot be ascribed to specific factors in the phonetic envi- ronment are said to be unconditioned. A major unconditioned sound change in the popular Latin of the Iberian Peninsula was the loss of duration as a phonological contrast.

Classical Latin distinguished between short single and long double consonants. Loss of this distinction caused double conso- nants to became short, that is, single in Portuguese. Loss of duration also affected the vowels. As the long vs. Vowel dura- tion, no longer signaling a phonological contrast, became a function of word stress: all stressed vowels became long and unstressed vowels became short. The result of such changes in the speech of Galicia was a system of seven vowels in stressed position that has persisted in contemporary Galician and Portuguese Table 5.

A major result of sound change was that popular Latin lost meaning-bearing contrasts in case endings. Let us take an example from the first declension. Changes in the Latin system of eleven consonants gave rise to new consonants in Romance Table 5. Palatalization involves displacing the point of articulation to an area closer to the palate. While palatalization gave rise to no new vowels, it frequently altered their quality. This sound, which already existed in Classical Latin, became much more common through the operation of various processes in popular speech.

This is the process documented in examples like lancea non lancia found in the Appendix Probi 5. Latin Portuguese. Today this process appears in Brazilian Portuguese, in popular pronunciations such as demonho for st. The velar became a palatal glide which in turn palatalized, and merged with, immediately following consonants. Note that in this instance the palatal glide still exists in Portuguese.

An example of this is popular Lat basiu, where the glide first jumped to the preceding syllable, i. This process created affricate and fricative consonants, some of which, however, did not end up being palatal themselves. This four-way con- trast, based on the manner of articulation dorsoalveolar vs. Addition of a phoneme within a word is called epenthesis. For instance, sequences of vowels in hiatus often became separated by a consonant, the nature of which was conditioned by the phonetic features of one of those vowels, usually the preceding one.

In turn, the vowel then lost its nasal articulation. The loss of vowels in word-medial position is called syncope, and was espe- cially frequent in unstressed syllables, whether posttonic or not. Although Classical Latin did not have a definite article, it had a set of six fully declined demonstratives.

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One of the most common of these, ille—illa—illud, developed into a definite article in popular Latin. The Portuguese definite article developed from the accusative forms illu m , illa m , with loss of the first syllable il- in most cases. Thus in pre-literary Portuguese, there were four forms of the definite article, inflected for gender and number: lo, la, los, las.

Lat isse. In medieval and early modern Portuguese, the other two demonstratives often appeared with initial aqu- aqueste, aquesse , by analogy with aquele. As mentioned in section 5. First, several processes of amalgamation reduced the declensions of nouns and adjectives from five to three. Secondly, the neuter gender disappeared as a formal category, leaving only vestiges, such as the so- called neuter determinants isto, isso, aquilo 3.

In consequence, variation in gender was reduced to masculine and feminine only. In Portuguese and other Ibero-Romance languages, noun and adjective forms descend reg- ularly from the accusative form of Latin nouns and adjectives. Nouns in -u were mostly masculine, e. Since in Portuguese most nouns in -u were masculine and those in -a were feminine, the endings -o and -a ended up being associated, respectively, with the masculine and feminine. Neuter singulars in -u were reinterpreted as masculine, e.

The plural forms, as objects of prepositions, are identical to the subject pronouns. Instead of a specific pronoun for the third person, Latin used the demonstra- tive is—ea—id to refer to someone other than the speaker or the hearer, or to something not associated with either. In popular Latin is was replaced by the demonstrative ille—illa—illud, whose paradigms furnished most of the forms of the third person subject and object pronouns in Romance.

Exception- ally, the third person subject pronouns preserved a Latin nominative, i. The plu- ral forms eles, elas were formed by adding -s to the singular. These four forms also function as objects of prepositions and, in popular Brazilian Portuguese, as direct objects 7. Loss of the resulting initial l- when it followed a vowel then yielded o, a, os, as.

The latter descend from the Latin datives il li and il lis, where apheresis of the first syllable yielded OP li, lis. The latter form served as a basis for the indirect object pronoun lhe, which replaced li, and lhes was formed analogically. To express reflexivity 4. The dative form sibi, like tibi, became the object of prepositions, si. What follows is a very streamlined overview. The core of the Latin verb system included four formal categories called conjugations. In addition to the denotative, that is lexical, meaning of the verb, a Latin verb could display up to four categories of grammatical information, namely, 1 tense present, past, or future ; 2 mood indicative, subjunctive, or imperative ; 3 person and number; and 4 voice active or passive.

One aspect was the infectum, or imperfective, meaning an action not completed. The relationships between imperfective and perfective forms can be seen in the scheme below based on Penny : Indicative Subjunctive Imperfective Perfective Imperfective Perfective Present amo amavi amem amaverim Past amabam amarem amaverim Future amabo amavero Anterior amaveram amavissem Of these tenses, only those in boldface have survived. Further, amavi was restricted to the past punctual meaning where it contrasted with amabam.

New tenses were created, usually by means of periphrases combining habere and later tenere as an auxiliary verb placed before the participle, as in habeo amatum, which yielded hei amado. By analogy, the periphrasis habeo amatum vs. A periphrastic future perfect was also formed, namely habere habeo amatum vs. For the other persons, as well as for the negative forms of these two imperatives, forms of the present subjunctive are used. Three non-finite or uninflected Latin verb forms had special significance in the development of Portuguese verbs.

One was the infinitive per se, the infectum form amare, a verbal noun. In the passive voice, the subject corresponded to the semantic patient. The new construction accepted an explicit agent of the passive 4. In passive constructions, however, the participle retains its adjectival character, and thus agrees with the subject of the verb in gender and number.

Latin From Latin Romance creations. Future amaturus, -a, -um Gerund Gerund Genitive amandi Dative amando Accusative amandum amando Ablative amando Supine: amatum As contrasting case endings were lost, prepositions and word order were increasingly relied upon to signal syntactic function.