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Other companies emerged that continue to operate to this day, such as the Familia Herrrera Herrrera Family of Cuernavaca. Another encompasses the puppets of Eleno Flores of Aguascalientes. For over years, now across several generations, this company has been performing in the tradition of the teatro de carpa tent theatre. Other artists contributed to the development of Mexican puppet theatre.

His puppets in the traditional Catalan vein were similar to the Lyonnais guignol but were different in their structure and manipulation since they were made of one piece with three holes in the wooden trunk, for the index, middle and ring finger; the hands of the figure being controlled by the thumb and little finger. The last 19th century-style travelling puppeteer was, without doubt, Francisca Cuevas who could still be seen in midtown Madero Street in More than eighty-years old at the time, this woman would play harmonica with one hand while making two puppets made of cloth dance with each other.

During the first half of the 20th century, another puppeteer dynasty, the Cueto family, took on a fundamental role. From these artists were created the troupes Rin-Rin and Comino from the same name of the puppet whose character became the most famous of all Mexican theatre puppets , then later, the Nahual troupe. The troupe developed between and , travelling extensively throughout the country and with several international trips to Venezuela and the United States. The participation in this campaign by the theatre professional Marco Antonio Montero and the author Rosario Castellanos, both of whom trained local puppeteers, gave birth to the Teatro Petu which is the pronunciation of the name Pedro in the Tzotzil language.

His work with puppets continued until his death in His efforts spawned many new puppeteers who now populate north-eastern Mexico. However, with the advent of television, and mostly because of the suspension of educational campaigns in the countryside, puppet theatre significantly declined.

This happened despite the efforts of Roberto Lago, who had been part of the original group of supporters at the Ministry of Education. He continued publishing La hoja del titiritero independiente The Independent Puppeteer Newspaper until his death and disseminated puppetry through other writings and exhibitions. Despite the absence of any official home for this art, a renaissance of Mexican puppetry occurred in the s, with many groups using the most varied of techniques.

Certain institutions, like the Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social Mexican Social Security Institute , used puppeteers to carry out their cultural programme message. This engendered the formation of more troupes, which also caused conflicts between each other because of increased competition. Since then, the movement has expanded and new initiatives have been launched. It establishes relationships with similar institutions in other countries and organizes an annual international puppet festival.

Several groups came into view between the s and the mid s. The teacher, educational psychologist and puppeteer, Virgina Ruano y Vargas, has also provided training in puppet manipulation and applications for educational purposes since Furthermore, since , the magazine on Mexican puppetry, Teokikixtli , has also played a very supportive role. In recent years, at the behest of the same puppeteers, a number of festivals have been established to spread and popularize the profession.

These are among the diverse local initiatives that keep puppetry alive in Mexico. Fiche technique Mexico View this country's articles. Bibliography Arizmendi Anguiano, Karla. E pur si muove. Arizmendi Anguiano, Karla. Beloff, Angelina. Mexico: SEP, Carlock, Armando. Mexico, Barcelona: Editorial Planeta, Piel de papel, manos de palo. The History of Puppets in Mexico]. Adriana Robles-Jara. Terry Tannert. Tulsa Puppetry Foundation Quarterly.

They offer rich material on all levels of language eg. Another advantage of these multilingual textbooks is the possibility to compare similar phenomena of language changes, which only differ in subtle aspects within the different languages. In addition to comparative linguistic analysis of language change the corpus will also allow studies on one particular language.

Despite the aforementioned benefits historical multilingual textbooks have not been used to their full potential in research on language change.

Food and ambience

These often similar dialogues published in different editions allow to observe the changing language and furthermore the changing socio-communicative norms. Due to the transmission and revision of these textbooks across sometimes over hundred years, it is possible to get a new perspective on language change at the level of intertextual grammatical such as particles and pragmatic progression such as pronouns of address, politeness. Since in this period the standardization of the German language was not completed, there are also metalinguistic reflections to claim validity in the epilogues.

With the help of this multilingual textbook-corpus it is possible to reconstruct parts of the linguistic knowledge of this period and to provide rich material for analysing change in language. Jucker, Andreas H. Pragmatic Developments in the History of English. Lay linguistic stigmatisations in German, past and present.

Frankfurt am Main. Berlin, New York. Simon, Horst : Reconstructing historical orality in German — what sources can we use? Dialogic language use — Dimensions du dialogisme — Dialogischer Sprachgebrauch. In: Jucker, Andreas H. The form one appears in a remarkably wide range of functions i. This relates to both the history of English and to innovative uses in several varieties, including New Englishes. One started out as a numeral in Old English; it adopted new functions as indefinite pronoun one shouldn't behave like this and a substitution form for noun phrase heads not a red apple but a green one ; and can be found in a wide range of uses in today's varieties e.

The present paper is part of a larger project which investigates the evolution of these uses through space and time and asks for causes which explain these evolutionary trajectories. The Complex Systems framework and some of its pertinent principles systemness and complexity, perpetual dynamism, interaction of order and chaos, emergentism and auto-organisation are briefly introduced in the first part of this paper.

We investigate the emergence and diffusion of innovative uses of one mainly indefinite pronoun uses and pro-form uses in noun phrases from the Early Modern English period through modern Standard British and American English to Postcolonial Englishes. Occurrences of one s in these sources have been tagged according to word class numeral, determiner, adjective, pronoun — some divided into sub-classes , syntactic function, construction context i.

We observe some remarkable frequency shifts and some innovative tendencies across time and between varieties, and interpret these as manifestations of principles of Complex Systems in their trajectories of evolution. References Ellis, Nick C. Language as a Complex Adaptive System. Kretzschmar, William R. Language and Complex Systems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rissanen, Matti. The uses of "one" in Old and early Middle English. Brief theoretical background: PSPs are standardly admittance conditions on contexts, preshared. They have well-testable linguistic properties and are taken to be stored in the common.

Diachronic work on PSPs is scarce. Annotation work: We are evaluating corpus texts of English and German precisely based on. A pragmatic feature. Spenader for an interesting study,. University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Traugott eds. The early Modern English period ca. In particular, scholars have generally applied a traditionally qualitative, selective approach to the study of spelling variation, which has prevented a full understanding of the extent of spelling variation in early Modern English.

By drawing on corpus linguistics technology, we intend to identify the extent of spelling variation across different corpora, and compile all of the variants identified together with the number of quotations in which they occur into a preliminary database of early Modern English spelling. The methodology used to create spelling variants will involve both manual and automatic processing of the normalisation rules provided by DICER, which will then be integrated with a systematic search conducted by the ASVI tool.

Duplicate texts across corpora will be identified systematically and excluded from analysis in order to avoid skewing our results. The analysis will show that our database of early Modern English spelling allows for a quantitative analysis of the extent of spelling variation over two centuries and the identification of the most frequently recurring spelling variants, thus validating or challenging some of the claims made on the nature and the frequency of spelling variation in early Modern English cf. The analysis will then demonstrate how the database can be used to conduct a comparative, diachronic analysis of spelling variation.

Preliminary results from our pilot study have shown that some of the most frequently occurring variants e. Our paper could be of interest to specialists in diachronic spelling variation and beyond, across multiple languages and different time periods, thanks to the flexible and versatile methodology proposed. Baron, A. Automatic standardization of texts containing spelling variation, how much training data do you need?. Mahlberg, V. Smith, eds. Liverpool: University of Liverpool. Rayson and D. Beal, J. Towards a corpus of eighteenth-century English phonology. Vandelanotte, K. Davidse, C.

Kimps, eds. Cram, D. Culpeper, J. A Corpus of English Dialogues: — Uppsala: Uppsala University. Accessed 22nd November Revista Canaria de Estudios Ingleses, 3: 74— Introduction to Early Modern English, revised edn. Little, G. Funsford, eds. Westport; London: Creenwood Press, pp. Markus, M. Innsbrucker Beitraege zur Kulturwissenschaft, Anglistische Reihe 7. Innsbruck: Leopold-Franzens-Universitaet Innsbruck. Nevalainen, T. A corpus of Early Modern Standard English in a socio-historical perspective.

Neuphilologische Mitteilungen, 90 1 : 67— Raumolin-Brunberg, A. Nurmi, M. Palander-Collin, M. Nevala, M. Laitinen, S. Kaislaniemi, A. Sairio and T. Corpus of Early English Correspondence. Helsinki: University of Helsinki. Nunberg, G. The Linguistics of Punctuation. Stanford: Centre for the Study of Language and Information. Osselton, N. Informal spelling systems in Early Modern English: — Jones, eds. Rissanen, M. The Helsinki Corpus of English Texts. Accessed 18th November Salmon, V. Early seventeenth century punctuation as a guide to sentence structure, Review of English Studies, 13 52 : — Reprinted in V.

Amsterdam: Benjamins, pp. Orthography and punctuation. Lass, ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. Schmied, J.


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Claridge and R. Siemund, compilers. Chemnitz: Chemnitz University of Technology. Schultz, P. Mettinger, eds. Berling: Mouton de Gruyter, pp. Taavitsainen, I. Pahta, T. Hiltunen, M. Marttila, M. Ratia, C. Suhr and J. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Wells, S. Taylor, eds. The emergence of sentence-internal capitalization in German: New perspectives on the history of a spelling convention.

Sentence-internal capitalization of nouns and nominalizations is a feature of the German writing system that emerged gradually from the 16th to the 18th century cf. Bergmann Previous studies have shown factors like reverence and animacy to be decisive in that process cf. It has been pointed out that the development of sentence-internal capitalization can be seen as a grammaticalization process Maas , as an originally pragmatic strategy like reverence becomes increasingly conventionalized and is not conditioned by pragmatic or later semantic factors such as animacy any more but rather by the grammatical status of the word in question: If it is the head of a noun phrase, it is obligatorily capitalized.

Despite the fairly large amount of research addressing the emergence of sentence-internal capitalization, many important questions have not been addressed in sufficient detail so far. In this talk, we present a corpus study that provides answers to two of the most important among these open questions:. Is there a difference between printed and handwritten texts in the development of capitalization? It has been argued that in handwritten texts, the different steps in the conventionalization process of sentence-internal capitalization occur phase-delayed. However, the only large-scale empirical study taking handwritten texts into account has relied on the production of one single writer Moulin How do the different factors that have been argued to have an influence on the emergence of capitalization interact, and are there factors that have not yet been addressed?

Most of the aforementioned empirical studies have been monofactorial, and they have largely focused on animacy. While animacy is indisputably an important factor, other aspects can be assumed to play a role as well. For example, frequency might either boost or inhibit capitalization, as it seems reasonable to assume that the spelling of highly frequent words is strongly entrenched and will therefore exhibit less variation than the spelling of low-frequency words. Given that animacy interacts with agentivity Yamamoto , the semantic role and the syntactic function of a noun in the respective sentence could also be a relevant factor.

In order to address these questions, we compiled a corpus of handwritten texts, which comprises 56 handwritten protocols of witch interrogations edited by Macha et al. A multi-layer annotation was implemented semi-automatically and checked manually over the course of a three-year project. In addition, animacy, syntactic functions and semantic roles were annotated manually. A multifactorial analysis shows a complex interaction between the different factors. For instance, it shows that capitalization is less likely for high-frequency items that are allocated at the lower end of the animacy scale.

In sum, the results of our study lend further support to previous accounts of the gradual emergence of sentence-internal capitalization but also indicate that the process was probably more complex than previously assumed. In addition, we argue that investigating handwritten texts adds an important new perspective to the study of sentence-internal capitalization as it allows for taking quasi- spontaneous situations of production as well as idiolectal variation into account.

Bergmann, R. Heidelberg: Winter. Bergmann, Rolf. Ergebnisse des Bamberg-Rostocker Projekt. Werner Besch zum Geburtstag , 59— Beobachtungen an Drucken des Labs-Ehlert, Brigitte. Maas, Utz. Zur schriftkulturellen Dimension der Orthographieentwicklung. In Angelika Redder ed. Berlin, New York: De Gruyter. Moulin, Claudine. Der Majuskelgebrauch in Luthers deutschen Briefen: - Germanische Bibliothek : Reihe 3, Untersuchungen. Yamamoto, Mutsumi. Animacy and reference. A cognitive approach to corpus linguistics.

Studies in Language Companion Series Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins. The new Basque Historical-Etymological Dictionary: advancements on the reconstruction of the Basque lexicon. In this talk, we present the new Basque Historical-Etymological Dictionary ; we also present some advancements on the reconstruction of the Basque inherited lexicon. Some other later dictionaries can also be mentioned:.

In , sponsored by the Academy of the Basque Language, our team started to write a Basque historical-etymological dictionary. The foundations of this project are the following:. After decades of amateur etymology, a new era in Basque diachronic linguistics starts with Mitxelena. He proposes a full reconstruction of the protobasque phonological system, basing his proposal mainly on loanwords from the latin-romance continuum. This reconstruction has also served as a basis for the phonological reconstruction of the inherited lexicon, but the information pulled from the adaption of loanwords is nearly exhausted.

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A new model for the reconstruction of Basque lexicon has been proposed by Lakarra and subsequent works , based on the definition of the canonical root: proto-Basque roots have been claimed to have a basic CVC structure, and from this seminal proposal many new analysis have been made of old known data, in which new roots and suffixes from the inherited lexicon have been identified: cf. This is the kind of new etymologies that the new Basque Historical-Etymological Dictionary offers, in which classical phonological reconstructions are enriched with the advancements on root-theory.

Agud, M. Donostia: ASJU. Buck, C. University of Chicago Press. Campion, A. Lakarra, J. Martinet, A. Phonological research in historical linguistics typically relies on written source data. While it is generally difficult to infer phonological information from written texts, this is particularly so when grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences that may have held straightforwardly at a particular time are rendered opaque by gradually spreading sound changes.

In this paper, we present a methodological work-around that helps us to derive phonological interpretations of written corpus data under precisely such circumstances. Specifally, we examine the development of word-final consonant clusters in Middle English, a period in which the process of schwa loss unfolded gradually Minkova Our paper shows how models of logistic growth can be calibrated to phonologically interpretable poetry data in order to infer time-dependent frequencies of word-final consonant clusters in corpus data of prose writing.

Our procedure involved five steps. First, we selected a set of 47 poems covering the period from the 12th to the 18th centuries. From each century, a sample of roughly 70 word tokens with graphemes that potentially represented schwas normally was drawn. The sample size was chosen so that the margin of error was roughly 0. Morphology, in contrast, yielded no significant effects. This made us distinguish three different environments: checked , final before a consonant and final before a vowel. Thus, we assigned each token to one of the three environments established in step three.

Finally, we derived by means of the calibrated logistic growth models, and from dates and assigned environments a probability with which each token actually ended in a cluster. These probabilities were then assigned to the respective tokens as weights. This allowed us to calculate estimated cluster-specific token frequencies for each period e. The additional advantage of our method is that it makes it possible to determine or at least estimate phonotactic token frequencies for periods between these two point estimates as well. On a more general level, we demonstrate that if well-informed and established formal models of linguistic change are used as what they actually are — namely as functions that describe diachronic trajectories, rather than just diagnostic machines for the delivery of potentially significant statistical effects — much more phonological information can be derived from historical corpus data than has for far been acknowledged.

Korandje is a highly divergent, geographically isolated Songhay language spoken in the oasis of Tabelbala in southwestern Algeria. Its inherited Songhay lexicon has been whittled down to a core vocabulary of less than three hundred words, with Berber and Arabic loanwords accounting for the rest. Among these, even a casual glance shows a curious asymmetry: almost all nouns end in a vowel, and almost all verbs in a consonant. Indeed, in some cases the same proto-Songhay root yields two different reflexes: a vowel-final noun, and a corresponding consonant-final verb.

Intermediate stages in this process, all restricted to verbs, can be reconstructed through comparison with other Northern Songhay varieties. On the face of it, this looks like a change conditioned by part of speech, a possibility defended by several recent works including Crowley and Bowern Such a conditioning, however, violates the Neogrammarian principle that sound changes are regular and phonetically conditioned, and most or all apparent counterexamples can be explained in other ways Hill A Neogrammarian would therefore predict that this apparently regular sound change should in fact reflect analogical change, as in Blevins and Lynch's analysis of Paamese.

This prediction appears to be borne out. One semantically definable class of verbs is systematically exempt from final vowel loss: verbs of motion and position. This gap can be explained neither phonologically nor in terms neither of part of speech, but follows directly from morphological considerations: the class of verbs in question — like nouns and adjectives — happen not to take vowel-initial suffixes.

Bearing in mind that stem-final vowels are elided when a vowel-initial suffix is added, this distribution points points to reanalysis as a key driver for verb-final vowel loss: the process was driven by consonant-final allomorphs being reanalysed as bases, in the context of borrowing-driven relaxation of inherited phonotactic constraints on final consonants. The Neogrammarian assumption that sound changes proper are exclusively phonetically conditioned thus remains fertile and tenable — as long as we bear in mind that morphology can drive analogical change conditioned by part of speech.

Morphological Conditions on Regular Sound Change? Oceanic Linguistics 48 1. An introduction to historical linguistic. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hill, Nathan W. Grammatically Conditioned Sound Change. Language and Linguistics Compass 8 6. Blackfoot ISO bla is the westernmost Algonquian language. The Proto-Algonquian-Blackfoot Hypothesis claims that Blackfoot was the first language to split from Proto-Algonquian, with the remaining languages forming a subgroup, as in 1.

This hypothesis predicts either the existence of shared innovations among the non-Blackfoot languages, or innovations in Blackfoot that are not shared by the other languages. This paper instead seeks to determine phonological innovations which could corroborate the Proto-Algonquian-Blackfoot Hypothesis.

These are compared to cognate forms in the other Algonquian languages found in Proto-Algonquian dictionaries e. Hewson I include a list of over 40 reconstructions. I find no phonological evidence for the subgrouping. However, the results do add to our understanding of Blackfoot historical phonology in several ways. First, some phonological distinctions are maintained in clusters which were lost elsewhere. It is well known that Spanish and Portuguese display comparable patterns of dialectal variation regarding the expression of subject pronouns in wh -interrogatives.

This finding, in turn, is typically attributed to the influence of African substrates. In summary, this Contact Hypothesis assumes that the higher likelihood of use of preposed NPs in wh -interrogatives in CS and BP is a direct result of the strong contact between Romance and African languages in the Caribbean and in Brazil.

The Contact Hypothesis predicts that a the discourse functions of overt pronouns in wh -interrogatives are comparable in CS and BP, and b CS and BP differ in the same manner from the respective European dialects regarding their use of overt pronouns in wh -interrogatives. Due to its size and the informality of web texts, the corpus allows for a detailed statistical analysis of a the correlations between the usage frequencies of overt and non-overt subject pronoun wh -interrogatives in Spanish and Portuguese dialects and b the factors governing the use of overt subject pronouns in CS and BP.

Preliminary results from the analysis suggest that while the mechanisms governing the use of overt subject pronouns in wh -interrogatives are indeed comparable in CS and BP, its use is conventionalized to a greater degree in BP than in CS, a result that is difficult to explain by reference to the Contact Hypothesis alone. Languages, as we know, are always changing. Over time some innovations manage to get incorporated into the language system as a whole, whereas other changes spread across distinct areas of the speech community and produce regional varieties, which are typical of all languages Penny Within this scenario of dynamic instability, linguistic elements differ in terms of their relative propensity for change, although none have been found to be truly immutable Nichols In the present work, we focus on a series of grammatical changes associated with different periods of Spanish history, and yet interrelated to the extent that the category affected by the successive innovations is the opposition between accusative and dative case inherited from Latin.

In our concluding remarks, looking towards the future, we shall try to imagine what could happen to the case distinction in the newly emerging varieties of U. In Ch. Li ed. New York: Academic Press. A case study. Folia Linguistica Historica Nichols, Johanna. Janda eds. Oxford: Blackwell Penny, Ralph. Variation and change in Spanish. Cambridge: CUP.

Trudgill, Peter. Dialects in contact. Oxford: Blackwell. This blurring of pragmatic and semantic values, coupled with a high number of verbal homomorphs Lapesa a,b, Cuervo , entangled both address forms to such an extent that the resulting pronominal and verbal paradigms share many forms Fontanella de Weinberg , Table 1. This leveling happened independently all over the New World, as evinced by the variability exhibited by epistolary sources from several centuries and distant locations 1, 2.

Considered at the right level of abstraction, the early variability resulted in three basic outcomes across the continent. In most dialects e. In other areas, cut off from the Peninsula and from each other, such as Central America and the River Plate, non-diphthongized voseo forms prevailed cf.

Although the evolution of the three outcomes is of interest, here I will focus solely on the second non-diphthongized solution, and try to account for a number of puzzling facts. The first fact that needs accounting for is the virtually identical pronominal and verbal outcome of this non-normative pattern in Central America and the River Plate, two areas that had no direct contact throughout the colonial and postcolonial periods.

The second fact to explain is why in both sets of dialects, only a handful of verbal and pronominal slots adopted voseo , while tuteo prevailed elsewhere in the paradigm. The thesis to be presented is that, absent any evidence that some forms were more frequent in the original dialectal mix, the explanation must be based on the circumstances that were indeed similar throughout Spanish America. Those include: a dialectal variability among the settler contingents, resulting in no clear target forms; b high numbers of second language learners among the early indigenous populations and later immigrant contingents, c high rates of intermarriage and language contact which exposed the children acquiring Spanish to a mixed input.

These conditions, I posit, resulted in a process of change led by L1 acquisition Chambers , Schreier et al. The clearest demonstration comes from the striking similarities between the natural order of acquisition of verbal and pronominal forms in Spanish and the order of historical adoption of voseo forms Moyna This paper does not suggest that child acquisition is always the only or the main reason behind the process and outcome of language change.

It does suggest that in the right demographic, social, and linguistic circumstances, natural child language acquisition can provide clues for cross-dialectal parallelisms that would otherwise remain unexplained. Time will pay you T. Benavides, Carlos. Hispania 86 3 : Chambers, J. Dynamic typology and vernacular universals.

Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Cuervo, R. Romania Thesaurus Las formas verbales diptongadas en el voseo hispanoamericano. Lapesa, Rafael. Magis ed. Revista de la Universidad de Madrid Forms of Address in the Spanish of the Americas. Proceedings of the Hispanic Linguistics Symposium. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla. Caracas: La Casa de Bello. Williams eds.

Investigations in Sociohistorical Linguistics. Stories of colonization and contact. Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press. In grammaticalization research it has become generally accepted that the semantic development of a grammaticalizing construction can be derived from its source meaning e. Bybee et al. While this approach has been a highly useful concept in explaining semantic trajectories, what has been overlooked is that the development of a construction is not only determined by the overall constructional meaning, but also significantly by the function words which are part and parcel of many grammaticalizing constructions.

I present in this talk a typology of what I refer to as old grams cf. I highlight that old grams may play widely different roles within constructions and that investigating them helps not only i to understand individual grammaticalizations better, but also ii to explore the variation space in the semantic and formal development across different types of grammaticalization phenomena.

In addition, a study of old grams unveals that iii grammaticalization and reinforcement, considered distinct processes in some writings, span up a continuum rather than present a simple bifurcation. Already after a brief look at what are possibly the most oft-quoted examples for grammaticalization — English be going to, and French chanterai and ne… pas — it becomes clear that old grams can play very different roles in the constructions they grammaticalize in.

The two French examples alone show how different these roles can be: While the old gram in chanterai, the infinitive morpheme in cantare habeo lit. Ne determined form e. Cases such as ne…pas have been described by some authors as a separate phenomenon from grammaticalization, namely as reinforcement e. Lehmann []: On the other hand, at least as many consider it a prototypical grammaticalization e.

However, ne… pas shows a trajectory quite unlike that of chanterai, for instance. This is due to the fact that the construction habeo cantare is a grammaticalization of the lexeme habeo within a construction with an infinitive, while ne… pas was not built around the lexeme pas, but around the old gram ne. Madhye itself, of course, was a locative.

Are we dealing here with grammaticalization or with reinforcement? For instance, in spoken German, some spatial adpositions often do not occur on their own any more, but get reinforced by partially cognate adverbs, all in one intonation contour, e. Here, the old gram and the reinforcing element have almost the same meaning. By contrast, pas had by no means almost the same meaning as ne when it started being added to ne. Thus, is the case of the German adposition and adverb a more prototypical case of reinforcement than ne… pas? On the basis of a selected number both of well-known grammaticalization examples as well as of some lesser known ones I will develop a typology of old grams that takes into account their semantic and formal roles inside the respective grammaticalizing constructions, and assesses the different ways in which they influenced the development of the latter.

To take into account the roles played by old grams helps understand pathways of change as well as disentangle differences between sub-types of grammaticalization. To give only one example, the well known bleaching metaphor applies well only to such grammaticalizations that are centrally built around a content word and not around an old gram, while there may also be intermediate cases, as for instance when a content word which grammaticalizes contains an old gram in its morphological structure.

The Evolution of Grammar. Tense, aspect, and modality in the languages of the world. Hopper, Paul J. Grammaticalization 2nd edition. Lehmann, Christian. Thoughts on Grammaticalization 2nd, revised edition. Meillet, Antoine. Paris: Champion, Zum Begriff der Renovation im Rahmen der Grammatikalisierungstheorie.

To appear in Language. Partitives consist of two nominals, which are usually designated N1 a portion or container and N2 that which is contained or portioned. Essentially, the embedded nominal N2 in a true partitive must be definite whereas in the pseudo-partitive N2 is either non-count or plural i. Partitive binominal constructions of the form N1 of N2 a cup of tea have a straightforward syntactic analysis with N1 as the head, and [of N2] as a postmodifying prepositional phrase.

The structure of pseudo-partitives is less clear and within the Germanic languages there appears to be considerable microvariation. Partitives have long been identified as a locus of semantic and syntactic change. The change focused on here involves the cognates of English pair in other Germanic languages, e. Dutch paar and Danish par. An additional related question to be addressed is whether there is historical evidence for Direct Partitive Constructions in English. However, historically a linking of was frequently not used: 7 I bequethe to Marie Tendall, my goddoughter, my peir bedys of calcidenys gaudied with siluer and gilt.

Noun phrase in the generative perspective. Denison, David. In The Cambridge history of the English language, ed.

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Suzanne Romaine, Definiteness marking and the structure of Danish pseudopartitives. Journal of Linguistics. Riemsdijk, Henk van. Categorial feature magnetism: the endrocentricity and distribution of projections. Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics. Rutkowski, Pawel. Scheffler, J. Tauberer, A. Eilam and L. Mayol, eds. University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics, vol. Selkirk, Elizabeth. Some remarks on noun phrase structure. Formal Syntax. Jackendoff, Ray.

X-bar syntax: A study of phrase structure. Koptjevskaja-Tamm, Maria. In Dahl. Traugott, Elizabeth. The grammaticalization of NP of NP patterns.


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Constructions and Language Change. Recent typological studies by Heine and Song , use four grammaticalization parameters extension, desemanticization, decategorialization, and erosion to analyze five major conceptual sources of personal pronouns: a nominal concepts, b spatial deixis i. This study argues that while the development of noun-based forms can be considered the canonical case of grammaticalization, the developmental processes concerning other sources fall outside the scope of grammaticalization, thus requiring separate treatments.

More specifically, I show that i based primarily on data from Asian languages which they cite as examples where demonstratives and reflexives gave rise to personal pronouns, there is little functional reason to treat them as grammaticalized personal pronouns and ii while plurification and shift in deixis contribute to the emergence of new pronoun usage, their development is distinct from grammaticalization. The general thrust of this paper will partly be negative in that I will demonstrate unnecessities and inadequacies of grammaticalization in accounting for the development of forms of non-lexical origins and offer basic suggestions for future approaches without proposing a complete framework.

The positive contribution of this paper consists in laying out the developmental processes involving person forms of non-lexical origins that are not consistent with grammaticalization and should therefore be accounted for in different ways. Though demonstratives and reflexives are frequently used for person referents, examinations indicate that their usage does not go beyond the scope of the demonstrative and reflexive functions. In many languages, demonstrative-based forms are used in the way that is predictable from their spatial semantics: speaker-proximal forms for the speaker and non-speaker-proximal forms i.

These usages are not innovative in that it is a simple metonymic extension of the demonstrative function. In addition, parameters other than extension do not apply to these forms, including Japanese sonata which is a second person pronoun according to Heine and Kuteva With the absence of change observable by the parameters, however, one cannot in principle distinguish demonstratives from various items such as kinship terms often used pronominally in these languages.

Parameters also face difficulty when applied to reflexives in other Asian languages, including Japanese jibun which Heine and Song treat as a first person pronoun. The same can be said for forms like Korean caki and Mandarin ziji Zubin et al. Being morphologically invariant, reflexives in these languages are used for all person categories, and serve the function of self- objectification in discourse where the use of reflexives instead of personal pronouns presents a referent as an entity that should be seen and evaluated objectively: e.

I argue that the perception of reflexives as personal pronouns is due to this discourse behavior of reflexives. There is no obvious answer to this question, offering no clear reason to treat demonstratives and reflexives in these languages as personal pronouns. In the case of plurification e. French vous and shift in deixis e. They claim that lateral shift falls within the domain of grammaticalization in a wide sense.

However, this position is problematic in that extension is involved in most, if not all, cases of language change. The relevance of unidirectionality is equally controversial in that Joseph shows the results of verbal inflectional change in Ancient and Modern Greek are neither less nor more grammatical.

Similarly, it is not clear if there is a change in the grammatical degree when the erstwhile French second person plural vous and German third person plural Sie are used as a second person singular form. How then should one account for plurification and shift in deixis if they are not grammaticalization?

I propose that they are socio-pragmatic strategies motivated by politeness in the sense of Brown and Levinson On the one hand, the use of second person plural forms and third person singular and plural forms for the addressee signifies increasing conceptual distance between the speaker and the addressee, creating what Brown and Levinson call negative politeness. On the other, the use of first person singular and plural forms for the addressee decreases conceptual distance, which produces their positive politeness. I finally show examples of each strategy from a variety of languages, and argue that these uses are not necessarily semanticized e.

English medical- we , but may potentially conventionalize, leading eventually to semanticization. Cooke, Joseph Robinson. Pronominal reference in Thai, Burmese, and Vietnamese. Berkeley: University of California Press. The language builder: An essay on the human signature in linguistic morphogenesis. Heine, Bernd, and Kuteva, Tania. World lexicon of grammaticalization. Heine, Bernd and Song, Kyung-An.

On the genesis of personal pronouns: Some conceptual sources. Language and Cognition 2: On the grammaticalization of personal pronouns. Journal of Linguistics Joseph, Brian. How accommodating of change is grammaticalization? Logos and Language 6: Misbehaving reflexives in Korean and Mandarin. Berkeley Linguistics Society In this paper we argue against this view and show that weather verbs in Modern Icelandic do in fact have arguments, both quasi-arguments i. Moreover, we show that this state of affairs involves a continuity from Old to Modern Icelandic. Vindinn hvessir. Eldi rignir.

Note that for the examples in 1 , in all instances the relevant verb can occur without an NP; compare 1c to 2b. It occurs clause-initially in certain types of declarative clauses in the absence of another phrase 2a and is not found elsewhere 2b—c. The fact that weather verbs occur with NP arguments and the quasi-argument hann in Icelandic constitutes clear evidence, hitherto overlooked, for the claim that these verbs can have arguments.

Moreover, weather verbs in Icelandic can occur in control infinitives 4a , just as in English 4b , where this fact has been considered as evidence for the quasi-argument status of weather-it e. Chomsky — It sometimes rains after snowing. By contrast, impersonal passives in Icelandic cannot occur in control infinitives, presumably because they do not have an external argument. In Old Icelandic weather verbs could also occur with overt argument NPs. Furthermore, it is reasonable to assume that weather verbs in Old Icelandic occurred with a quasi-argument, even if this was always covert.

Thus, there is no qualitative difference in weather verbs between Old and Modern Icelandic although there may be a quantitative difference. The only exception is the fact that the overt non-referential quasi-argument weather-hann emerged in the language in the 17th—18th centuries. Originally, weather-hann was a referential pronoun which was later reanalyzed as a quasi-argument. It is clear that the emergence of weather-hann coincided with the loss of null arguments in Icelandic, which occurred along with several other syntactic changes in early Modern Icelandic midth century and was completed in the 18th—19th centuries.

The emergence of weather-hann is expected; in fact, it has parallels in Faroese and some Mainland Scandinavian dialects Thrainsson et al. However, whereas this element always remained rather marginal, the covert quasi-argument persisted throughout the history of Icelandic. So this is the real puzzle: Why does Modern Icelandic, a non-argument-drop language, have covert quasi-arguments with weather verbs at all, rather than an overt element comparable to Mainland Scandinavian det, English it and German es?

We propose that the covert quasi-arguments have not been replaced by overt elements altogether because they are not pronouns, but belong to a different category as non-referential arguments. In summary, our research shows that weather verbs in Icelandic can have arguments, both full NPs and overt and covert quasi-arguments and that this situation reflects a continuity from Old to Modern Icelandic.

References Bandle, Oskar. Die Gliederung des Nordgermanischen. Basel: Heilbing and Lichtenhahn. Chomsky, Noam. Lectures on Government and Binding. Dordrecht: Foris. Kinn, Kari, Kristian A. Rusten and George Walkden. Null subjects in early Icelandic. Journal of Germanic Linguistics 28 1 Rizzi, Luigi. Comparative Syntax and Language Acquisition.

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London and New York: Routledge. Argument-drop in Old Icelandic. Lingua — The Syntax of Icelandic. Faroese: An Overview and Reference Grammar. Second edition. Noun phrase word order in Old Swedish — from pragmatic fronting to determiner-first word order. Viking Age Scandinavian before c. The mandatory distinction between indefinite and definite noun phrases develops during the following centuries. This development comprises the emergence of a definite infection of nouns as well as free articles, both an indefinite and a definite. At the same time, the noun phrase word order undergoes a considerable change, resulting in the modern pattern, where noun phrases are essentially headed by determiners.

Although it is likely that the word order change is a consequence of the language developing in definiteness, this circumstance has not, so far, been paid much interest by scholars. However, the shifting word order may reveal what is going on on the abstract level. A question that has recently been brought to the fore within the minimalist enterprise is whether noun phrases are DPs also in article-less languages.

On the other hand, it is not evident how a fairly simple NP structure makes sense when considering the word order variation of the Scandinavian Viking Age noun phrases. Possessive attributes, for instance, could appear before as well as after the noun; cf. Karls sonr nom. The same kind of variation applied to adjectival attributes; cf. Furthermore, it is not evident how an NP language becomes a DP language when developing in definiteness.

These problems are dealt with in Stroh-Wollin This suggestion was also supported empirically by an investigation on noun phrases searched for in the Scandinavian Runic Text Database. As for the further development of the noun phrase, it is suggested in Stroh-Wollin that the noun phrase of the modern language has a double—DP structure, with a big DP on top of a little dP, and, furthermore, that the transition from the EP structure to the DP structure comes in at least two steps. Even though the EP- dP -NP structure prevails for a long time, this first step is important since it sets the ball rolling.

Possibly, there is only one more step; it may be that the dP becomes obligatory and the EP is reinterpreted as a DP in one sweep. In my talk, I will take the model in Stroh-Wollin as my theoretical point of departure and present an empirical investigation on the word order in Viking Age Scandinavian and medieval Swedish noun phrases containing various kinds of modifiers: demonstratives, possessive attributes, adjectival attributes and numerals.

It will be shown that pragmatic fronting is still used to some extent in the earliest medieval manuscripts. Possessives, for instance, which are obligatorily pre-posed in modern Swedish, appear most often post-nominally in the early provincial laws; see e. However, the second instance of the same word, sinum neutr. Numerals, on the other hand, most often appear pre-nominally for obvious reason already in the earliest manuscripts.

However, if the number is less important than the lexical content of the noun, then a numeral may follow the noun; see e. The next word, ena fem. A more confusing result concerns the adjectival attributes, which seem to take a pre-nominal posi-tion early on. In this context, it may be of importance that noun phrases with both possessives and adjectival modifiers show three predominant diachronic patterns.

Early medieval texts, on the other hand, often have adjective—noun—possessive, whereas the modern pattern is possessive—adjective—noun. Delsing Possible implications of the second pattern will be further discussed in my talk. References Abney, S. PhD dissertation, MIT. Language , e1-e Zimmermann eds. Walter de Gruyter, Boston. Delsing, L. Lander, E. Transactions of the Philological Society. Scandinavian Runic Text Database.

Samnordisk runtextdatabas. Department of Scandinavian Languages, Uppsala University. Stroh-Wollin, U. One of the main differences between Greek-Latin parts of speech theory and the parts of speech theory of so-called traditional linguistics lies in the presence of the adjective as an independent word class, but hitherto the literature on the topic has not discussed this question specifically.

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In this paper we study the split between case marking and referential properties for a class of arguments that, we argue, qualify as non-canonical subjects in Ancient Greek. These experiencer arguments are marked with an oblique case but have some subject properties: notably, they can be the referential antecedent of the subject of an adjunct participle. A vast number of languages, as is well known, attest constructions in which an argument not formally encoded as a subject as far as, e.

Phenomena of this type have increasingly attracted, in recent years, specialists of historical and comparative linguistics. Investigations of non-canonical subjects have been carried out on different ancient and modern languages, producing considerable results, but also opening up many unresolved questions cf.

A crucial issue concerns the definition of subject behavioural properties Keenan : control phenomena, coreferential deletion, constraints on reflexivization etc. Therefore, a careful investigation on individual languages is needed prior to possibly identifying candidates for non-canonical subjecthood.

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For some ancient Indo-European languages - Ancient Greek among them - the research has not gone beyond a pioneering stage, and an in-depth definition of criteria for subjecthood is still missing. In the unmarked case, in participial adjunct clauses the participle agrees in case as well as in gender and number with its referential anchor in the main clause. So, the subject of a nominative participle usually corefers with the nominative subject expressed or pro of the main clause: cf.

There are, however, also more complex cases, like 2 , which represent the topic of our research. SG 'Now, wishing to send somebody as a spy into Lydia [.. Examples like these, with a participle showing up in the nominative, despite being co-referent with a non-nominative argument of the main clause, have occasionally been pointed out in historical grammars, and treated as anacolutha. Our study aims at investigating this phenomenon in depth, collecting data from an extensive corpus of Ancient Greek and proposing a more accurate description in syntactic and semantic terms.

We note, in particular, that this phenomenon typically involves oblique experiencers, i.

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Also in view of this, we suggest that the oblique argument in this construction displays behavioural subject properties and that the phenomenon of coreference and case mismatch with the subject of participial clauses may provide a valid test for non-canonical subjecthood in Ancient Greek.

Bibliographical references: Aikhenvald, A. Bhaskararao, P. Volume 1 and 2. Dahl, E. Keenan, E. In: Li, Ch. Kim, E. Riecken, N. Weiss eds. Verbeke, S. This paper aims at demonstrating how information on the paths of semantic extensions undergone by content words may be incorporated into semantic maps.