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On Tuesday, Gabriel said in Geneva that she would not travel to Madrid to face the charges as she did not believe she would have a fair trial. She did not appear for the session scheduled for Wednesday morning. The Catalan independence drive has taken Spain to the brink of its worst political crisis since the transition to democracy in the mids. It has divided opinion in Catalonia, caused deep resentment elsewhere in Spain, and prompted thousands of companies based in the wealthy northeastern region to relocate to avoid potential fallout.

The Supreme Court said in a statement it had ordered Gabriel's arrest following her no-show. But the warrant only extended to Spain and the court did not issue an international arrest warrant. In Zurich, a Swiss Federal Office of Justice spokesman indicated that any attempt to extradite her could prove difficult. Media reports on Gabriel's flight from Spain suggested that her alleged offences were political in nature, he said. The Justice Office said it would not grant extradition or legal assistance for any political offences, based on agreements between non-EU member Switzerland and Spain via the European Convention on Extradition, as well as the European Mutual Assistance Act, among other pacts governing cooperation.

Still, if Switzerland were to receive such a request, the spokesman said, it would review the matter carefully to come to a formal determination of her status. Several prominent members of the former Catalan government have been arrested and released on bail or are awaiting trial on remand after organizing the independence referendum and later making a unilateral declaration of independence.

A court ruled that the attempt to split from Spain was unconstitutional, prompting Madrid to dismiss the Catalan government and take direct control of the region, which already has a large measure of autonomy, before calling a new election. Former Catalan president Carles Puigdemont fled the country shortly after the independence declaration and remains in self-imposed exile in Brussels with four members of his previous cabinet. The letter contains a series of measures aimed at safeguarding peaceful social coexistence among Christians, Muslims and Jews on the island and preventing.

The King pledges not to give it away to or swap it with, either wholly or in part, members of the nobility or Church hierarchies, as well as to protect its settlers from everything, anywhere, as his loyal, faithful subjects. The delimitation of the jurisdictions The franchise letter did not precisely define the jurisdictional competences of the sovereign and lords and instead entrusted the solution to this important issue to a negotiation among the parties.

James I initially granted the. The nobility was fiercely opposed to its creation, as they regarded it as incompatible with their jurisdictional rights. After almost 17 months of negotiations, the two parties reached an agreement which pivoted around three points. The veguer would be an official who could solely be appointed by the monarch. This was an adaptation of the feudal structures to the island setting and size of Mallorca, 65 as opposed to an early rupture in feudal structures that had just been instated.

The sovereign had to take over the collection of the tithe in many areas within the royal domain; in , Urban II had granted Peter I of Aragon the entire tithe in the lands he conquered from the Muslims. Even though in the Courts of Barcelona of the sovereign and the magnates had pledged to endow the Church of Mallorca with enough goods and revenues, they reserved the tithe in the jurisdictional domains.

Eight years later, in , James I, Prince Peter of Portugal and the bishop of Mallorca, Ramon de Torrelles, reached a compromise on the distribution of these revenues. The bishop refused to receive tithes from secular inhabitants as donations since he did not want to admit that the donors rightly owned this property. The form of enfeoffment was chosen: the tithe was once again Church-related and the bishop gratuitously granted part of it in fealty to the sovereign, who would continue to be in charge of all collections. Thereafter, the monarch received two-thirds of the tithes on grain, wine and oil in perpetual fealty, as well as half of the tithe on livestock, wool, cheese and fish, and every year he would give the bishop the remaining one-third and half.

The bishop, bereft of resources, had to negotiate the enfeoffment agreements of the tithe with each of the participants separately. After this job was finished, all five of them left the island. They entrusted the bailiffs and legal administrators to populate the new properties and restore their infrastructures — they were lacking a workforce and were in poor condition because of the conquest campaigns — and then to send the revenues generated by the Muslim captives and the first Christian peasants to their customary residences on terra firma.

However, they reserved the notary rights in order to avoid a dispersal of documentation and to monitor the property transmissions in their respective domains. Alemany and Guillem de Claramunt received a total of 7, hectares. Those made prior to the summer of are registered in the Catalan codex of the Llibre del repartiment. Around the same time, the sovereign, who as a participant had to contribute to the defence of the island with 43 armed horses, also granted lands in fealty to members of the petty nobility in exchange for military services.

However, the main transfer of lands in the royal estate took place in the autumn of and their recipient was Prince Peter of Portugal, a member of the Portuguese royal family exiled in Catalonia who had just inherited the countship of Urgell from his wife, Aurembiaix. Even though this last representative of the old family line since the Treaty of Agramunt only administered the countship in fief of the sovereign for her lifetime,78 she had bequeathed it to her husband and made it freely available to him. Once he was invested, he would earn the revenues that corresponded to the monarch, administer the lands of the royal estate, bring settlers there, be authorised to purchase assets from knights and men of the Church, and could bequeath one-third of the inheritances and revenues earned to his heirs, who would own them in fief of the sovereign.

James I reserved eminent domain over all the assets given, along with authority over the fortresses, and he pledged to provide the assistance needed to conserve and defend the islands against. The agreement violated two of the articles of the franchise letter: the pledge to keep the Kingdom of Mallorca joined to the Crown of Aragon, and the restriction that prevented secular and Church lords from acquiring real estate on the island.

Why did James I allow this violation to take place? What did he obtain in return? With the exchange, he ensured direct control over the Countship of Urgell, a land in the rearguard with consolidated socioeconomic, administrative and tax structures which had been the source of previous conflicts; he gave in exchange an insular, ultra-peripheral, sparsely settled site which was in the midst of being reorganised and was still fiscally unprofitable.

However, aware of the huge strategic value of the Kingdom of Mallorca, the monarch reserved indirect administration for himself via the feudal bond, which would expire upon the death of the Prince, when the domain would rejoin the Crown. While the sovereign led the campaign against the last cells of Islamic resistance in the Tramuntana mountains, his officials finished drawing up a record book of the royal portion in order to delimit the personal assets of the new lord of the kingdom.

On the 1st of July, upon completion of the military conquest of the island, the Portuguese prince took over its governance. James I gave him the aforementioned land registry,81 which contains a description of the entire royal portion, a list of the rural farms allotted during the past twelve months, a list of those that still remained vacant, which were given to him as personal assets, and a list of the chivalries and armed horses which had been given each participant.

As confirmed in this record book, Prince Peter of Portugal received rural farms82 measuring a total of 6, hectares, which accounted for almost one-ninth of the royal portion. The new lord of Mallorca reserved almost half of this land for himself, 51 plots of land measuring a total of 2, hectares, and he divided the rest among the members of his entourage, made up of knights, functionaries and household staff from Portugal and Castile. After a complicated dynamic, the lands and revenues granted to Peter of Portugal rejoined the royal assets in through his last will and testament.

Once the personal properties were precisely delimited, a new partition was conducted, the third one islandwide, with lands given to members of the petty nobility and military service who earned them, giving them sufficient real estate and revenues to systematically maintain one armed horse. With no legitimate heirs of his own, he had appointed James I his heir. The executors of the will distinguished between the assets that the count had received in fealty from Peter the Catholic and those he possessed in allodium. The former, made up of the countships of Roussillon and Cerdagne, were gratuitously restored to the sovereign.

The latter were divided into two parts: the island properties, which were sold to James I, and the holdings in Valencia, which were given to the Order of the Hospital. Figure 4. Conquest of Mallorca. Llibre dels feits. Universitat de Barcelona. In the former, the grantee was only obligated to pay a feudal tribute; in the latter, they also pledged to provide an armed horse. The case lasted until , when the archbishop issued a Solomonic judgement: this Mallorcan barony had to be jointly administered by the bishop and the chapterhouse of the Girona cathedral.

They became the lords and allodial owners free of seigneurial charges and were only distinguished by the size of the assets they received. The allodial lords also enjoyed jurisdiction over their respective holdings, modulated by the franchise letter and after limited by the competences of the veguer, and they were obligated to contribute to the defence of the kingdom by maintaining a certain number of armed horses. The main allodial lords established somewhat similar land arrangements and management systems in their island domains.

They enfeoffed. The normal size of the first chivalries was 20 jovades hectares ; however, the magnates also granted large chivalries measuring 1, hectares, as well as medium-sized ones measuring hectares, which they only gave to armigers. This almost wholesale granting of the land by the sovereign and magnates put both the management of the process of land reorganisation and the mobilisation of the resources needed to spearhead agrarian growth into the hands of the intermediate rural estates.

The creation of new agrarian structures In rural Mallorca, on the eve of the Christian conquest, there was a society of economically hierarchised peasants with no lords who enjoyed a high level of labour autonomy. The primary sector there was organised into around 1, medium-sized farms, a few owned by clans and others individually, all of them cultivated under the system of owner occupancy. The average size of these first farms, at least in the royal sector, was around two jovades For these early absentee owners, obtaining properties and rural land on the island was nothing more than a profitable speculative operation which spurred the land market.

Therefore, the.

Legal analysis of Catalonia independence vote

Through emphyteutic contracts, the lords and participants gave the free peasants useful domain possession of the rural farms and houses in the urban nuclei of the villages in perpetuity in exchange for an amount of cash the entry payment , an annual tax and a series of rights, while reserving legal ownership for themselves. The emphyteuta could freely dispose of the goods whose usufruct he held, bequeath them to his legitimate heirs and even sell them to another peasant. In the latter case, the sale had to be suspended for a certain period, usually ten days, called the fadiga leave , during which the legal owner of the property had the first right of refusal to purchase it; that is, they could restore their own usufruct for the same price offered by the buyer.

If the lessor did not exercise this right and authorised the purchase, he was given a percentage of the price the laudemium , which at that time was usually The new owner also pledged to pay the owner the same tax as the seller had been paying and declared himself to be subject to the pre-existing fadiga and laudemium. Each transfer meant that the recipient paid a entry payment and an annual tax to the transferrer, which thus generated income for the rentier. Each link in this chain meant an increase in the tax. The successive lessors could recover the transferred rights when the grantee did not pay the tax or the laudemium or when they allowed the land they received to deteriorate.

Emphyteusis offered considerable advantages for the original owner and was a factor of control over the emphyteuta. The contract ensured the former legal ownership of the asset granted in perpetuity. The cession of the beneficial ownership of the properties in perpetuity, though onerous, also favoured the beneficiary: it did not degrade their legal status, they remained free men without any kind of restriction on their mobility, it did not obligate them to provide personal services to the original owner, and they could rescind the contract.

During the second third of the 13th century, there was an increasing influx of families from different places into Mallorca in the quest for better living conditions. Because we still do not have a detailed analysis establishing the provenance of the settlers based on their anthroponyms, such as the one made by Enric Guinot for the Kingdom of Valencia, researchers have formulated somewhat distinct hypotheses. Some have tried to maximise the demographic contribution of Catalonia, while others have striven to downplay it.

Without yet being able to cite rigorous figures, we can therefore claim that among those requesting land, there was a predominance of natives of Catalunya Vella, Languedoc, Liguria and Provence, along with many natives of Aragon, Navarre and even Portugal, albeit in much smaller contingents. The gradual arrival of immigrants and the instatement of agrarian structures based on small emphyteutic farms led to a highly visible change in the habitat of the rural world of Mallorca, which went from semi-dispersed to concentrated, and in its administrative organisation: the twelve Almohad districts ayza were transformed into 25 smaller jurisdictions, which resembled villages, the original element of which was usually a rural church.

In , Pope Innocent IV gave the first churches built by the repopulators in both the city and the country official status. Areas of concentration Pla de Mallorca coexisted with areas of dispersion the Tramuntana mountains, Migjorn and the entire coastline , which reflects the uneven distribution of the population at the time. However, the newcomers had to move to an island enclave where the property structure was already fixed and the concessions of estates in allodium had been reserved for the participants in the first and second partitions who had defrayed part of the costs of the conquest.

The ways to access land which remained open to them were establishing, subestablishing and rent, all of which, however, led to fallow land or largely infertile fields. Two-thirds of the lands registered in the Llibre del repartiment were fallow; their swidden was largely performed by the peasants who had usufruct. They, not the lords and the allodial owners, were the ones who after would spread the seedbeds of grain and the vineyards through the dryfarmed and fallow lands of Mallorca, the ones who created the new rural landscape which would last until the late 19th century.

Short-term rental contracts of rural farms are documented in Mallorca since , although they never became as common as emphyteutic contracts. The overseers of the majority of the farms were not the full owners who emerged from the third partition of land but peasants with usufruct who had moved there afterward. Much of the process of land transfer and fragmentation took place between these two social groups, between wealthy aloers and poor farmers, between city-dwelling rentiers and tax-paying peasants.

Over the years, emphyteutic and rental contracts became more onerous for the peasants; as the available land. With their work, they had to maintain more and more rentiers, a direct lord and even two middle-ranking lords. The former had acquired the land through the right of conquest, in free allodium exempt from any private economic burdens and solely to reward their contribution to the defence of the island.

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Since they had renounced the direct farming of their lands, many of these owners earned taxes and other exactions from their peasants, making them rentiers. Though free men, the peasants cultivated the land via agrarian contracts whose requirements varied over space and time. If, according to Guy Bois, the essence of the feudal system is the predominance of small peasant farms subjected to seigneurial deductions from their income, then the Mallorcan society resulting from the Catalan colonisation was indeed feudal. Fontes Rerum Balearium, vol.

Mallorca en el segle xiii. El Tall, Palma , p. Huici and M. Anubar, Valencia , 5 v. Mallorca en el segle xiii, op. Mayurqa, no. In: P. Senac ed. Presses Universitaires de Perpignan, Perpignan , pp. Universitat de les Illes Balears, Palma ; A. Riera i Melis. Salvat, Barcelona , pp. In: Atles de les Illes Balears. Catalan Historical Review, no. In: Historia de Mallorca, vol. Mascaro Pasarius, Palma , pp. See too infra, notes 28, 29, 84 and Translation by M. Anubar, Valencia , p. Sabbah and A. In: M. Sobre Mayurqa. Museu de Mallorca, Palma , pp.

In: Idem, pp. Carbonero, R. Feliu, A. Miret i Sans. Itinerari de Jaume I el Conqueridor. See too infra, notes 15 and Translated by N. Presidency of the Government of the Balearic Islands, Palma Edited by M. Ferrer i Mallol. Jaume I. Edicions 62, Barcelona Jaume I i el seu regnat. Capdepera Town Hall, Palma , pp. Ejecutoria del Reino de Mallorca. Palma Town Hall, Palma , pp. Omega, Barcelona , p. Speculum, no. Museu de Mallorca, Palma, , pp. In: Jaume I. In: El regne de Mallorca:. Idem, vol. In: De Al-Andalus a la sociedad feudal: los Repartimientos bajomedievales.

The analysis of the partition of Mallorca, which has sparked heated controversies, has taken leaps and bounds since the end of the past century based on the appearance of the documentation generated by the process in highly accurate editions see infra, notes 29, 84 and The following are among the contributions worth noting: A. In: Historia de Mallorca, op. Afers, no. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, vol. Montpellier, , pp. Jover and R. In: E. Belenguer dir. Edicions 62, Barcelona , pp. Mas and R.

Guinot and J. The two parts were published separately: J. These first two publications signalled a turning point in the study of the partition of Mallorca. Recently, an even more accurate edition of these two preliminary texts has appeared: G. Palma In: Documents cabbdals Anuario de Estudios Medievales, no. Comunicacions, II. Palma , p. In: Home-. Reus, Madrid , pp. Font Rius. Privilegios y franquicias de Mallorca. Argos-Vergara, Barcelona , pp. In: Homenatge a Antoni Mut Calafell, arxiver. Rerum Balearium, vol. Rotger and J. Miret i Sans, Itinerari Jaume I Mut and G.

The editors of this important document have performed a meticulous codicological, palaeographic and toponymic study of it, but they have not specified the total number of farms mentioned, nor have they calculated their overall size in jovades, two of the first pieces of information that researchers check for. Mora and L. Adrinal, vol. Generalitat de Catalunya, Poblet , pp. See too: J. Idem, pp. Idem, p. See too supra, notes 65 and Eleven years later, he sold the houses, broke up the lands into units measuring around 23 hectares each, subestablished them and vanished from the island forever; R.

Puig and E. Instituciones del Derecho civil de Catalunya. Bosch, Barcelona , pp. Eliseu Climent, Valencia ; E. Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid, , pp. El feudalisme Biographical note Antoni Riera i Melis is an emeritus professor of mediaeval history at the Universitat de Barcelona, where he has researched and taught since He furthered his studies and taught a number of seminars in Spanish and European universities.

He currently oversees the Acta Historica et Archaeologica Madiaevalia and is a member of the editorial board of other specialised journals. Political power in the Kingdom of Valencia during the 14th century. Breakdown or development?

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Abstract The 14th century has traditionally been considered a century of crisis, unrest and political breakdown around Europe, given the preponderance of wars, civil clashes and skirmishes with external enemies. In the Kingdom of Valencia, too, we can find these constant struggles for land and power, yet at the same time, just like all over Europe, we can also witness the gradual growth of the institutions of administration, governance and justice spearheaded by the Crown and the different political actors. Indeed, this process of political development did not preclude violence, but it did establish the foundations of a powerful institutional system which gained ground throughout the 15th century.

Keywords: polities, Crown, estates, Valencia, 14th century. Just a few years later, the northern part of the region of Murcia, from Alicante to Oriola, where half of the population was Muslim, had joined the Kingdom of Valencia, substantially enlarging the borders that James I had established decades earlier. E-mail: baydal uji. Indeed, this city, along with Catalonia and Aragon, had become the nerve centre of an economic, political and institutional system that had carved an important niche for itself among the states that were shaping the future of the Crown.

In short, despite the known bumps in the road caused by wars, shortages and epidemics, the 14th century was actually a century of growth and overall political development, especially in the Kingdom of Valencia, which had been founded just shortly before.

However, this growth and development was marred by conflict both with external enemies and among internal political agents, a common phenomenon around Europe, as recently noted by John Watts. To this end, we shall examine not only the material and jurisdictional foundations of each of these agents but also the gradual institutionalisation of their power. What is more, even though during the early phases of the war he had to divvy up most of the occupied lands among the nobility, knights, prelates and military orders of Catalonia and Aragon which had helped him militarily, after the conquest of the city of Valencia in , he allowed himself, now enormously strengthened, the luxury of keeping almost the entire area that stretched towards the southern boundary of the new kingdom for himself.

His leadership in the conquest had led the monarch to gain an exceptional point of departure to impose his power over the inhabitants as a whole, since in addition to the main towns he also retained extensive stretches of the territory. This was the backdrop when he also tried to impose his full legal domain, as we shall see below. However, after the end of the century that vast land mainly went to the Church and especially the nobility, particularly after the s, in line with the rise in military financing needs and the very royal policy of creating a sympathetic nobility.

Albalat de la Ribera 3. Alboraia 5. Alfafara 8. Alfarb 9. Almassora Altura Andilla Ares del Maestrat Atzeneta del Maestrat Barracas Benafer Benaguasil Benassal Benimodo and Ressalany Borriana, Beniham, Seca and la Jova Borriol Bunyol Carlet and Massalet Castell de Cabres, Vilanova and Mola Escabossa Caudiel Culla Domenyo Eslida Fanzara Fondeguilla Forcall Herbers Llombai Loriguilla Macastre Manises Mascarell Nules Moixent Montroi Oliva Orxeta Padull and les Dotze Bocairent Paterna Pedralba Pina Planes Pobla de Vallbona Segairent Sueca Serra Sinarques Sogorb Sollana and Trullars Soneixa Sorita Sot de Xera Suera Toixa Torres Vallibona Veo and Xinquer Vilafermosa Vilafranca del Maestrat Vilamalefa Vilamarxant Vilar de Canes Vila-real Vistabella Viver Xella Xelva Xest Xestalgar Alpont Castellfabib Figure 2.

Aragonese roots, the majority at the time, and the Crown and the royal estate of Valencia. The king also gave up monopolies and exactions of rights outside his direct domains, while the use of natural resources remained in dispute, as we shall discuss below. First of all, since the midth century there had been a general bailiff chosen by the king, for the length of time he wished, who was in charge of receiving and tallying the emoluments from his direct domains via a network of subordinate local bailiffs, who were chosen by the official himself, at least in the 14th century, when a general bailiff just for the former Castilian lands around Oriola was also established.

Specifically, the bailiffs were in charge of collecting the revenues, urban taxes, monopolies and ordinary taxes paid in the royal boroughs, as well as the penalties and compositions imposed by the justices — the royal justice officials on a municipal level — and the tariffs applied to exports.

What is more, they tried to enforce the bans on exports for certain products, were in charge of the sound physical condition of the royal castles, and worked as appeal judges in minor cases which involved Jews and Muslims from the royal domain, as ordinary. In fact, his court of justice was the remote ancestor of the later Royal Audience of Valencia.

The Crown directly owned fewer assets than in the 13th century, but the legitimacy and stability of its power had increased by being disputed, agreed upon, mediatised and shared by the other social sectors around the territory. The power of the estates At the time that the Kingdom of Valencia was created in , the Courts had sporadically been meeting in Catalonia and Aragon for a few decades with the participation of the Church, the nobility and increasingly frequently the royal universities.

What is more, after the incorporation of the southern lands near Oriola in , the bishop of Cartagena, the diocese to which it belonged, also held competences in the Kingdom of Valencia, although he was never part of the Church estate of the Courts since he was from Castile and thus constantly embattled with the leaders from Oriola, who wanted a diocese of their own. On the other hand, the military orders established in Catalonia and Aragon also received domains in Valencia, especially the Orders of the Temple and the Hospitallers in the northern part, most of which were folded into the new Order of Montesa, which was founded in as the outcome of disappearance of the Templars and was exclusive to Valencia.

Finally, during the 13th century, only two. The Mercedarians also created a monastery in Santa Maria del Puig in , the Carthusians in Portaceli and Valldecrist in and , and the Hieronymites in Cotalba in However, given that they were redemptive or enclosed orders, they did not participate in the major political debates. In fact, the Church estate of the Valencian Courts remained stable throughout the entire century, and the Courts were still attended by the same members as in , with the occasional addition of the commanders of the Castilian order of Santiago, which held possessions in the Kingdom of Valencia, and the Order of the Hospital, which had retained the domain of Torrent near the capital of Valencia.

This is shown by the fact that the master Pere de Tous was in charge of organising the royalist side that sought to put down the revolt of the Union waged in Despite this, the fact is that the inherited nobility in Valencia was usually characterised by its weakness compared to its counterparts in Catalonia and Aragon. Indeed, the Crown tended to hand out medium-sized or small realms — some of them extremely small — and avoided creating noble titles specific to Valencia, which did not start to be granted until the second half of the 14th century.

In consequence, there were not as many nobles and knights with lands in the Kingdom of Valencia as in Catalonia and Aragon, and there was not such a complex network of vassalage. Furthermore, while the leading Catalan and especially Aragonese barons summoned retinues upwards of 30 armed horses, the Valencians had no more than fifteen.

Beyond that, the. It was elevated to the Duchy of Gandia in Still, in addition to a series of urban knights, some members of the petty nobility also joined the movement, a clear sign that since the agreement on the Furs there had been deepening interestate ties and a kind of permeability among the urban and knightly leaders. In fact, it seems that right around this time the nobles and knights began to move en masse to the city of Valencia, the main site where power was concentrated in the territory.

Specifically, the huge strides in the seigneurialisation of the country over the century, along with the tax contributions required by the Crown to maintain the spiral of war campaigns that lasted from the conquest of Sardinia in until the end of the war with Castile in , led to constant conflicts between the estate of the royal boroughs and the nobility.

On the one hand, the increase in seigneurial realms both inside and outside the jurisdictional boundaries of the royal municipalities resulted in heightened struggles over issues of justice and access to material resources; indeed, the use of pasturelands by the city of Valencia was the particular focal point of many of these disputes, as we shall recount below.

At the same time, there were also many disagreements over the urban contribution of the nobles and knights living in the royal boroughs, which were usually resolved via taxa-. The monarch intended to apply them to all the land he planned to seize, but he had not yet occupied all of it nor did all the places he had conquered until then follow these laws.

Likewise, the second chapter exclusively granted the inhabitants of the city of Valencia total freedom to use pasturelands in any part of the entire kingdom, regardless of the realm to which it belonged. The citizens had managed to establish this through a royal privilege in and it continued, with a brief five-year hiatus during the reign of Peter the Great r.

In fact, that was where the complex irrigation system inherited from Al-Andalus was developed to maintain the extensive, productive farmlands that nourished and supplied the urban growth. Given this, the role played by the city of Valencia in the political system of the kingdom was essential from the very start. Its power had reached the point where in — 13 years before Barcelona — it managed to release itself from the obligation to contribute monetarily to the king whenever he requested it, which allowed it to have greater margin of action when gaining political compensations in fiscal negotiations.

What is more, its economic importance was such that in the numerous subsidies to the Crown documented in the midth century, its contribution always accounted for half or more of the total granted by the royal estate.

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Likewise, all the gatherings of the Courts until the midth century were always held in the city of Valencia itself, and even in the general subsidies granted during the s and , the capital acted as a separate estate, with its own deputies and administrators different to those of the nobility, the Church and the other royal boroughs.

The only exception was the bovalars, which were zones exclusively reserved for the livestock of each realm, delimited with the supervision of the Crown. There was a constant spate of lawsuits, and Valencia actually established a court of its own to issue rulings; more than cases were brought before this court in barely three years during the midth century and they involved more than 90 different towns all around the kingdom.

Given this, the capital had to deal with members of the royal and other estates. As is common knowledge, this dispute escalated to unleash a civil war in Valencia. Yet at the same time, it grew and gained ground as the political, social and economic capital of a land which showed major integration: it was the seat of the leading institutions, the place of residence of the elites and the nucleus that concentrated the most mercantile, military and financial enterprises.

Yet this consolidation in no way staved off conflict; instead, it was an essential, intrinsic factor in the very process. The events and political development Generally speaking, the 14th century can be divided into three main phases in the politics of the Crown of Aragon. The first one approximately corresponds to the reign of James II r.

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The second one spanned the central decades of the century, more or less from the conquest of Sardinia in until the end of the war with Castile in It was shaped by a constant succession of wars against external enemies — such as the Sardinians, the Genovese, the Nassarites, the Marinids and the Castilians — and by the revolt of the Union in Aragon and Valencia internally, as well as by the acceleration in the process of constructing a stable general tax system mediatised by the leaders of the estates via the Courts.

Finally, the third phase came in the last third of the century, when the different members of political society struggled intensely for control over the political and institutional system that resulted from the changes that had taken place in the previous stages. Obviously, these sweeping general stages were expressed uniquely in each territory according to its own socio-political conditions.

Instead, the royal universities granted one while the nobles and knights granted another much smaller donation exclusively meant to wipe out the debts that the Crown. In fact, in the Courts of Valencia of and , no legislative or fiscal agreements were reached because of the open wound over this dispute. James II tried to heal it in by summoning the main parties involved in the conflict, but no agreement was reached despite the repeated rounds of negotiation.

However, it was never put into place because of the illness and death of Jaume II shortly thereafter. The first was the conquest of the lands in Murcia near Oriola between and , their incorporation into the territory and their joining the jurisdiction of Valencia via their own attorney general. The second was the creation of the Order of Montesa in with the assets of the vanished Templars in Valencia, coupled with the vast majority of possessions of the Order of the Hospital, which came to be owned by masters faithful to the Crown such as Arnau de Soler , tutor of the eldest son of James II, Pere de Tous , Albert de Tous and Berenguer March Nonetheless, that was precisely when the differences between the city of Valencia and the monarchs were catapulted into the foreground, beginning with the gradual disposal of the royal assets.

Despite the promise secured from James II in — immediately after his eldest son, James the Senseless, refused to marry and inherit the throne — not to divide the territories of the Crown or give up its direct domains, the fact is that numerous royal boroughs were transferred thereafter. That clash led first to the mutiny led by the jurist of Valencia Francesc de Vinatea in late and later to the persecution of Queen Elionor of Castile upon the death of Alphonse the Benign and the accession to the throne of their first son, Peter the Ceremonious in Despite this, the expansionist and military policy of the Crown led Peter the Ceremonious to dispose of many more assets and to considerably increase the fiscal pressure on the royal boroughs, which had to resort to municipal debt for the first time.

While in Catalan and Aragonese lands, the nobility had refused to grant any subsidy to the monarch for over half a century — since the Courts from the beginning of the 14th century — the Valencian nobility had granted them after the agreements of , initially through a five-year subsidy granted in those same Courts, and later with another three-year subsidy approved in the Courts of , which was managed by deputies of the nobility, the Church, the city of Valencia and the royal towns. Indeed, from until , the Valencians held up to twelve different assemblies of the Courts.

Given this, a new period got underway in which the political society of each territory interacted with the institutions and the composition of power that had coalesced previously.

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At the same time, the question of the Furs versus the Fueros had ceased being a prime issue, and, in fact, the nobility had no longer primarily Aragonese origins, while the city of Valencia had gradually come into focus as the main hub of political, economic and social power throughout the entire kingdom. As discussed above, the capital itself had ceased being the uncontested leader of the royal estate and was subjected to a process of oligarchisation of its leaders after the revolt of the Union.

The latter had also been forging family or political bonds in an increasingly malleable way, such that the direct clashes among the estates noted until had been replaced by an array of more open, varied alliances. In short, the conflicts were no longer targeted as much at trying to change or contradict the existing structures as at trying to shape and control the mechanisms of a political and institutional system that was increasingly consolidated and entrenched around the territory as a whole.

It was somehow an instability caused by the growth, development and gradual spread of the institutions of governance and administration in all spheres. Regardless, by the early 15th century nobody could dispute the political integrity of the territory or its institutional and legal entity; to the contrary, they all struggled to occupy its power structures and speak on behalf of the kingdom and all Valencians, a collective selfawareness which, in fact, ended up exploding throughout that other century.

Archive of the Crown of Aragon, Cancelleria, reg. In: Juan Antonio Barrio Barrio ed. Marfil, Alcoy , pp. Sobre el particularisme dels valencians en els segles xiv i xv. Beyond Lords and Peasants. The Making of Polities: Europe, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Biblioteca Valenciana, Valencia , p. Edicions 62, Barcelona , vol. Estructura de una magistratura medieval valenciana. Guerra, relacions de poder i fiscalitat negociada Cartes de poblament medievals valencianes.

Liber patrimonii regii Valentiae. Anales de la Universidad de Alicante. Historia Medieval, no. Els llibres de comptes de la batllia de Morvedre a la fi del segle xiv. Imprenta del Archivo, Barcelona , p. The increase in the activities and competences of the two general bailiffs of the Kingdom of Valencia can be readily seen by checking their books online conserved in: Archive of the Crown of Aragon, Reial Patrimoni, Mestre Racional, Volums, Batllies Generals, Valencia, no. El Justicia de Valencia: Revista de Historia Moderna, no.

Malhechores, violencia y justicia ciudadana en la Valencia bajomedieval Valencia, municipio medieval. Generalitat Valenciana, Valencia Llengua i Literatura, no. El Maestre Racional de Valencia. Cuadernos de Historia Moderna, no. Regarding those Courts, see Vicent Baydal Sala. Los monasterios valencianos. El naixement del monestir cistercenc de la Valldigna.

Universitat de. Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, Cuenca , vol. In: Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol ed. El darrer rei de la dinastia de Barcelona We have decided not to use the Catalan versions of the names of the Aragonese nobles or those with roots in Aragon in order to clearly distinguish them from the Catalans and Valencians, given the importance of this issue for much of the period examined in this article.

El rei James I. Fets, actes i paraules. Alfons el Vell, duc reial de Gandia Una revuelta ciudadana contra el autoritarismo real. Doctoral thesis. Valencia, municipio medieval Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona Renda i fiscalitat en una ciutat medieval: Barcelona segles xii xiv. Hispania, vol. In: De Murbiter a Morvedre. Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona , vol. Afers, Catarroja and Barcelona , pp. Ligarzas, no. Corts Valencianes, Valencia Generalitat de Catalunya, Barcelona , p.

In: Ricard Bellveser Icardo ed. In: Antoni Riera i Melis. Francesc Eiximenis c. Els valencians, des de quan He is an expert in political, fiscal and military history and the history of identities. He has participated in numerous research projects and has published five books and around 30 scholarly articles and book chapters. Abstract In the year period falling between two health emergencies, a cholera epidemic and the Spanish Civil War , Catalonia underwent a profound transformation in all aspects of life.

This was expressed in an awakening and desire for modernisation and the recovery of its national personality. In the first 25 years, which dovetailed with the Modernist era, Catalan society became aware of its situation — in the field of health, as well — and civil society and towns started testing grassroots solutions. Keywords: epidemics, municipal microbiology laboratory, hygiene, beneficence, social assistance, public health.

Introduction The 19th century was a period of social, economic, demographic, ideological and technological changes and transformations. Catalonia experienced the effects of the Industrial Revolution, the phenomenon of urbanisation, the appearance of a new social class — the proletariat — and the awakening of Catalanist feeling with the revival of its language.

While the influence of Romanticism predominated in the first half of the century, positivism and libertarian thinking came to the fore in the latter half. There were also several bouts of malaria in the river deltas, coasts and rice-growing regions. Carrer Casanova, , Barcelona. E-mail: sabate ub. Even though the midth century marked the peak of fertility and had the highest birth rate in Catalonia, it was accompanied by a notable increase in the death rate and mortality of both children and adults. Between and , the very high child mortality rate dropped from per 1, to 87 per 1,,6 although this was compounded by the deaths caused by wars, uprisings and other violent events.

In this scenario, the public administrations only intervened occasionally, and the Spanish state limited itself to issuing laws and regulations, although they were never enforced because of a lack of resources. Only a few municipalities which had hospital asylums were able to house the poor, old, orphaned and decrepit. Ideologically, the Hippocratic-Galenic ideas of the humours and environmental causes of illnesses still prevailed in medicine in the first two-thirds of the 19th century. Medical training was basically theoretical and speculative in nature. Treatments solved little and were thus counterproductive.

All of these factors reveal a fairly precarious health scene with a host of shortcomings. There was an awakening of collective capacities, a mobilisation of human and economic resources, a yearning for. This wave of creative vitality became even more obvious and tangible in the last third of the 19th century, when it penetrated all layers and spheres of society, thought and action. The drive for the much-needed social and structural reforms and transformations in Catalonia emerged from the grassroots: civil society doctors, urban planners, athenaeums and working-class associations, a few industrial organisations, etc.

The mixed construction of a regional welfare state in Catalonia The Spanish state administration refused to act to palliate or resolve these health issues, which sparked unrest and alarm in society, including repeated outbreaks of violent uprisings. Among its goals were to revive some of the local institutions of political self-governance lost in the War of the Spanish Succession between the Hapsburg and Bourbon rivals. At that time, Catalan society felt neglected, marginalised or even punished by the Spanish state, and it sought alternative formulas to deal with its specific needs.

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This gave rise to the mobilisation of the active forces in society, which gradually created instruments that allowed the problems to be palliated and the creation of an institutional system that would cover the shortcomings of the Spanish state. In the year period encompassed in this article, Catalan society went through two stages with different characteristics, known as Modernism and Noucentisme. Modernism was characterised by spontaneity, individualism, boldness, a return to nature naturalism , references to the Middle Ages Gothic art and the revival of the local language and traditions.

In science, it is associated with positivism, which rejects theoretical or specula-.

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In the practice of health, we can find the start of active prevention through vaccinations for cholera, rabies, the plague, etc.