Her essay attacks the role and function of columnists like herself: they are, she says, little better than court jesters — they entertain readers with political polemic, conjuring the illusion that the paper they write for is radical and free. On 26 April she would publicly end her work for konkret with a statement in the Frankfurter Rundschau newspaper to the effect that the magazine was becoming an instrument of the counterrevolution, and she did not wish her contribution to disguise that. One possible alternative to leaving konkret, of course, would have been to use her influence as former editor to take the magazine over and reshape it as an organ of the revolution.
The frustrated group moved on to break into his private home in Blankenese, a wealthy suburb of the city the home he had previously shared with Meinhof , and vandalized the property. Meinhof was widely criticized for her part in events. Meinhof was a key player in a project to create a language that justified violence to the point of killing, and to define those who engaged violently with current events as warrior-revolutionaries and heroes of the resistance.
Incidents such as the police killing of student protester Ohnesorg and the random assassination of Dutschke may well have widened her audience, but in postwar West Germany — not, in fact, a police state — it was only really possible to make the arguments she wished to make by means of metaphor. These are useful fictions with a rhetorical impetus: metaphors that justify counter-violence. But in the game of smoke and mirrors that metaphor plays, it is possible for the writer as well as her reader to lose track of what is real.
Parallels between German radicals and suffering Vietnamese and Algerians conceal rather than examine the crucial differences between life in the Federal Republic and life in the third world. We are left facing the question whether Meinhof still remembered that this was a rhetorical technique rather than a representation of reality, whether the writer or the language was really in control.
When the laws were passed in the face of massive peaceful protest, she clearly felt she had failed politically; not even her expert use of language had been enough to influence the course of events. That coincided with the activities of the Frankfurt arsonists, who seemed to demonstate the high-profile effects of action over words. There is developing notion, over ten years of column-writing, that journalistic intervention in politics — verbal protest — is simply not enough. It does not deserve the heroic term Widerstand resistance.
From here it is a small step to the idea that language is politically toothless, that action trumps words. Violence against persons was justified via identification with groups perceived to be exposed to unjustifiable violence: later no longer the Jews, but the peoples of Vietnam and Colvin. What is needed is solidarity in the group. The twin notions of action over words and group solidarity were at the heart of her last journalistic project: her script for a television drama, called Bambule Riot.
Munich: Universitas,  ; here See also my Introduction. Hermann L. Gremliza Hamburg: konkret, , 47— Kraushaar, —61; here In fact, as we see, Meinhof was using the idea some years earlier. Polizei- und Presseterror erreichten am 2. Leonhardt was writing in Die Zeit 29 December See K. Compare, e. Further references appear in the text. Dutschke is unlikely to have actively contributed to this piece, given that he had been badly hurt by the shooting in April Further references appear in text.
Constance Farrington London: Penguin [; first French edition ] , 18— Und die Studenten. Raising children is totally political; the relationships people have with each other are totally political — because they say something about whether people are oppressed or free. Ulrike Meinhof appealed to konkret readers to demonstrate their solidarity with him,1 but she used her regular column in the magazine to address the situation faced by his wife and daughter. It was programmed to show on 24 May In September two pieces had appeared, one of them in konkret, the other, a longer version of the same material, in the more academically oriented Frankfurter Hefte.
Both drew on material she had collected for a radio program broadcast on 12 January Because her mother could not finally make up her mind to sign the adoption papers, Margarete spent her entire life in care until, aged 16, she disappeared from a hospital where she was being treated after involvement in drugs and prostitution. Meinhof presents Margarete to her readers not as exceptional, but as the inevitable product of the care system. Eschewing the lurid details that covered the pages of the popular press, Meinhof went straight from the murders to their context: contemporary West German society.
She tells the story of a senselessly spun-out adoption process that left the little boy in care for much longer than he really needed to be; of Bartsch being sent back to the home when his adopted mother had to go out to work and no Colvin. So it should not surprise us that Bambule is set in a home for girls. It is a case study of the mechanisms of control and the potential for revolution. Many of them have been involved in drugs or prostitution; some are meeting their sexual and emotional needs in lesbian relationships. We see them running away, even when they know that outside the home there is very little waiting for them.
Running away at least provides a distraction from the senseless monotony. In German it is sometimes called the Tomatenrede tomato talk ; in its wake women delegates were moved to throw tomatoes at male speakers. Action based on personal experience, she insists, is political behavior that is pathbreakingly authentic. When German students who had read or Colvin. The interview has been made much of, as an indicator that she knew she was shortly to abandon her family,19 but that focus on the personal has led commentators to ignore the development in her political thinking it reveals. Wobei man umgekehrt sagen kann, da, wo politische Arbeit nicht was Colvin.
The idea that the personal is always also political is shifted to become the more prescriptive notion that there is something not right about politics that do not arise out of personal experience. That is not yet the RAF notion that action based on personal experience trumps any level of theoretical political expertise. The Politics of the Personal One element in her critique of the care system was that the homes failed to provide their charges with an education relevant to their gender. She is clear that girls in care have been victims of social discrimination not only because of their working-class backgrounds, but also because of their sex.
Haushaltsstellen, aus denen sie weggelaufen sind, weil sie barbarisch ausgenutzt wurden, werden ihnen als Versagen ausgelegt. Against this kind of social background, failing to teach girls in care about issues relating to their gender is worse than negligence: it is the suppression of information that would enable action for change. What is more — she now develops that argument — they intend to change nothing. She moves increasingly towards the view that children in care are politically and personally handicapped by the system, not by accident, but on purpose.
One of the first problems touched on is class identity. Working-class youngsters in care, the voiceover tells us, have middle-class cultural norms forced on them that have nothing to do with their own social origins or, indeed, with their likely futures. They are taught to ape the manners of bourgeois children without ever being offered the same chances.
The result is that they lack awareness of their proletarian identity — an identity that would build class solidarity and therefore the potential for revolution. Meinhof makes no secret of her belief that this is a conscious strategy. The system intends to bully working-class children into believing that there is simply no point in wanting anything but lifelong work on a factory floor, and no option but submission to middle-class authority.
Ach so! Setz dich! Aber du kannst aus Schaden noch klug werden. We have to look after our bodies. Sit down! I forgot that you had hurt your foot. But you can still learn from your mistakes. Her platitudes stand in for genuine communication. It seems that those in authority resist genuine communication, and they thereby resist identification and the risk of solidarity with their young charges that would bring with it. Not only are the care workers compelled by the language they use to avoid feeling empathy, they also practice pedagogical methods that suppress it in the girls.
Divisive tactics undermine group solidarity. Monika is later told that she is to be sent back to the convent she loathed, not because the local authority has ordained it which is the truth , but — says Frau Turm — because a protest on her behalf was staged by the other girls while she was in the bunker. Care workers in the home reveal a habit of punishing all the girls if one or several of them misbehave, and the police, summoned to deal with a dormitory riot, do the same.
These are not accidental occurrences, but illustrate divide-andrule tactics routinely employed by those in power. To start with I answered back and complained. But the grown-ups stick Colvin. Am Anfang habe ich geschimpft und mich beschwert. When the authoritarian social worker who has imposed the punishment is called away for a moment, another child runs into the room, quickly eats up the fish, and thus secures her release.
This is the seed corn of revolution that the system is desperate to suppress. We see it again in the friendships, and particularly in the lesbian relationships, between the girls. In Bambule, lesbianism is a metaphor for solidarity; it signals marginalized social status and the potential that nonetheless inheres in human relationships. Frau Lack is the care worker the girls like most — she is kinder and more sympathetic to their needs than her colleagues, and when she visits Monika in the bunker, the younger woman is moved to investigate: MONIKA: Sind Sie lesbisch?
Same-sex love in a single-sex environment is a powerful human connection, one the drama shows those in power at pains to suppress. In a striking episode the film flashes back to Monika kissing another girl in the convent. The girls who have formed a bond are punished with immediate separation; continuity and security are once more dislocated in their lives. When the girls tell her unpalatable truths, Frau Lack refuses to believe them: she blocks out knowledge of the things she does not want to be true.
What happens then?! They had plans for a project working with youngsters who had either run away from secure homes or broken off an apprenticeship. It became known as the Staffelberg project, after the Staffelberg home in Marburg-Biedenkopf around 70 km north of Frankfurt am Main where it began.
On 28 June they their co-arsonist Thorwald Proll joined around two hundred activists — many of them students from Frankfurt University — on a visit to the Staffelberg home, which had opened as a model facility for young male delinquents in it closed Colvin. The visit was not the brainchild of the ex-arsonists; it was the climax of a campaign that had been running for some time already, led by students of pedagogy at Frankfurt and by local Maoist groups. In a public discussion both visitors and inmates criticize the conditions in the home: isolation and lockups like in a prison, a hopeless lack of preparation or education for future work, authoritarian methods.
The project may have hoped to profit from the revolutionary potential of the young rebels it collected, but according to another of the boys involved, it did little to profit them. Peter Brosch was, like Boock, an escapee from the Staffelberg home, but unlike Boock he later rejected the political principles of the RAF rather than joining the organization. Like Boock he had spent almost his entire life in care. In — two Colvin. The boys Baader and Ensslin rehomed, he claimed, learned nothing positive from collective living, supported by financial handouts extracted from the sympathetic left; instead they learned not to go to work, not to earn a living, not to find a place for themselves in West German society.
He accuses Baader in particular of irresponsible behavior — of looking primarily to provide teenage kicks rather than a serious education for change. He finally blames the group around Baader for the failure of the Staffelberg project, which never achieved its end of replacing the homes with self-determining collective living. Instead of returning to prison to complete their sentences, they abandoned their young charges and drove to Paris.
Meinhof was not present at the Staffelberg home meeting in June , but she did hear about the project and traveled to Frankfurt to observe it she had met Ensslin and Baader a year previously, when she interviewed them for her article for konkret on the department store arson. Her own work on the conditions in homes in the Federal Republic had, up until that time, reflected the investigative interest of a socially engaged journalist rather than post-Marxist revolutionary theory Meinhof had not read Marcuse.
In earlier articles she had suggested that abuses in the system were the result of a negligent state and an indifferent society. But Bambule insists they are deliberate. By at the very latest — when the drama was being filmed — Meinhof had received and accepted the Marcusian line that informed the Staffelberg project: namely, that marginalized youngsters were the stuff and soldiers of the revolution.
That belief must have felt as if it had become reality when the girl she befriended in the Eichenhof home, nineteen-year-old Irene Goergens, joined the RAF for its very first operation: the liberation of Baader. Goergens was one of the first members of the group to be arrested, along with Horst Mahler, Brigitte Asdonk, and Ingrid Schubert, on 8 October ; she was sentenced to six and a half years imprisonment for her involvement.
Where in her earlier work Meinhof criticized the care system from a humanitarian perspective, in late she shifted to a position from which she saw it as the instrument of a repressive state. Her belief was not only that young people in care were destined to drive the revolution, but that the West German state believed that too. At the very latest after her visits to the Staffelberg project, Meinhof saw the primary intention of the homes in exactly the way Brosch describes it. It is not helping to rectify the causes of disruptive behavior in children.
For Brosch as well as for Meinhof this is unquestionably a conspiracy: the capitalist state has built the care system to protect its interests against those too poor to participate in consumer culture. Meinhof has perceptibly shifted ground: her interest is now far less in the purely humanitarian issue that children in care, like all children, must learn to form loving relationships, and far more in the notion that interpersonal bonds are the basis for political action to overturn the system.
Meinhof and Itzenplitz had severe differences during the filming process: her will to take an uncompromising political line met his will to make popular television, and the result is an odd hybrid of a film. Solidarity is how the personal becomes political: it is the impetus for action that arises when we feel empathy and identification with another human being, or with a group. Bambule demonstrates repeatedly that this is what the state, in the microcosm of the care home, seeks to undermine.
The question asked in Colvin. If the home is a miniature or microcosmic representation of the state, and the system and its representatives relate to the girls as capitalism and its representatives relate to the people, then terrorism, the drama suggests, is an appropriate response. But for Meinhof, in the end, a fictive revolution was not enough. Toward the end of filming she seems to have grown more and more dissatisfied with the project.
The abstract distance that television creates is going to make it possible for middle-class audiences to resist identification with the girls, just as the care workers do, and to substitute gawking for action. That matters because identification is a necessary prerequisite for change. That is why the question of solidarity, its revolutionary potential, and how it is systematically undermined by the system, is so central in Bambule. Und das ist dann der falsche.
At least she listens. You can only say it to someone who listens. Nothing I can do about that. It certainly offered her the opportunity to experiment with a different kind of language. Because drama uses direct speech — dialogue — it provided a form of linguistic freedom that had not been available to her as a columnist. In her columns she had adhered to high-register diction. Elevated diction has the advantage of making an argument less immediately accessible and hence more difficult to refute; it also wins respect for the writer in a society that admires the kind of language that is enabled by an advanced and often expensive education.
If, therefore, the progressive impetus that comes from breaking laws that protect capitalist criminals is inherent in an act of arson in a department store, then we must ask whether that impetus can be communicated, whether it can be turned into a useful lesson.
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In dramatic dialogue, by contrast, informal spoken style is the norm. It follows that when a character — such as Frau Turm — speaks in the formal mode of written language, we are being asked to sit up and take notice, to observe that formal language goes hand-in-hand with hierarchical structures, and hierarchical structures permit solidarity only between those in power. These walking lies had nothing left to say to their brothers; they only echoed. Du wolltest sagen, du hast Appetit auf eine Zigarette.
For Sartre, the language of the conquerors is false in the mouths of the colonized who speak it. It undermines and is intended to undermine their national and racial identity. For Meinhof, the language of the ruling classes undermines and is intended to undermine class identity in the children of the proletariat. For Meinhof, the elevated style imposed on the girls in Bambule similarly seeks to isolate them from their class background. It immobilizes them in established structures rather than offering them an education for change.
This is a language that demands obedience, not understanding; its intention is to disempower, not to empower. Its formality circumvents personal engagement, and so averts the risk that Frau Turm for example will accidentally start feeling solidarity with her charges instead of with the establishment that employs her.
Petit-bourgeois Frau Turm, after all, is the object as well as the subject of linguistic oppression; her stilted use of elevated style is comic because it is fakery, an impersonation of a class she does not belong to either. One of the characters, Irene, was based on the girl Meinhof befriended during work in the Eichenhof home, and who later joined the RAF: Irene Goergens.
Near the end of the drama, Irene makes the crucial discovery that she has subject status — that she can take control of language and make it say what she wants it to say. Nein, ich rede. Let me just say. Beyond Language In her writing as a journalist during the decade from —69, Meinhof was prepared to use formal language as a way of securing her intellectual position, and in order to be taken seriously.
In political journalism, seriousness commands respect, and seriousness was one element in her journalistic persona. Language by itself — theoretical talk and writing — could not. The article goes on to attack the revolutionary theorizing of left-wing intellectuals in West Germany that had, to date, not led them to engage in revolutionary activity Meinhof, we might notice again, does Colvin.
In this ultra-short essay Meinhof seems to be both using and leaving language. We must assume that what lies beyond revolutionary language is revolutionary action: the act of self-liberation that Fanon in The Wretched of the Earth and Sartre in his preface to that work identified as the act of violence. It frees the native from his inferiority complex and from his despair and inaction; it makes him fearless and restores his self-respect.
That is to say, we either abandon ourselves to the dissipation of a Colvin. In Bambule, the moment comes when violent resistance to the system is clearly defined as a positive response. The motivation for the kind of radical life change enacted by Meinhof immediately after Bambule was filmed could only be complex. Quite aside from developments in her writing career leaving konkret, for example, and writing Bambule there were other developments in her life.
In she discovered that her father, Werner Meinhof who had died in , had joined the Nazi party almost immediately after it took power in ; her own family, then, had not been in the ranks of the resistance. But on this we can only speculate. Brosch was anticipating later left-wing critiques of the inward-focused group thinking and haphazard approach to theory demonstrated by the RAF. But Meinhof, too, was already tending to make her own experience absolute. In her radio feature on girls in care she began to put forward the notions later explored in Bambule: namely, that homes actually set out to alienate the children in their care from their proletarian roots, but the only proof of her argument she gives is that this is what she observed when she visited.
Notes The citation for the epigraph in this chapter is as follows: Meinhof, interview with Helma Sanders-Brahms, conducted during the filming of Bambule. Reinhard Rauball Berlin: De Gruyter , —21; here Berlin: Wagenbach,  , 9. In Bartsch had himself castrated in order to qualify for possible release; he died from complications following the operation.
Gremliza Hamburg: konkret, , Berlin: Wagenbach,  , Accounts of this visit vary quite widely; an image of the ex-arsonists and students at the home on 28 June is reprinted in Koenen, Vesper, Ensslin, Baader, — Krebs gives 70 as the number of runaways; other accounts suggest See chapter 1.
Constance Farringdon London: Penguin, [; first French edition ] , 7—26; here 7. Seifert cowrote issues 2—8 of the pamphlet. My translation. The English translation in the Penguin edition of Fanon diverges from the German translation Ensslin is citing here. Baader had jumped bail with Ensslin on 10 June , abandoning the Staffelberg project when their appeal against three-year prison sentences for arson was turned down. The couple traveled to Paris. Discussions about the formation of a guerilla organization, drawing on the Latin American model, began.
On 4 April, however, Baader was re-arrested, after being stopped in his car by a police patrol — probably after a tip-off from Peter Urbach, the same government agent who had provided the anti-Springer demonstrators of with their Molotov cocktails. Baader tends to be misrepresented in accounts of the RAF: while he could certainly be bullish and offensive, the books found in his cell after his death which included the philosophical works of Wittgenstein alongside social and political theory suggest he was not unintelligent. In early May , Roland Deber, the governor of Tegel prison, received a copy of a book contract from the publishing house Wagenbach.
Mahler simultaneously requested permission for Baader to meet with his coauthor to conduct research. Baader jumped through a window, and Meinhof followed his example, making her escape with the rest of the group. She forgot her handbag, and the police report describes a revolver found inside it, a detail that casts doubt on the version of events that says her decision to leave with the group was unplanned and taken at the very last moment.
Das haben wir lange genug gemacht. That means: the ones who will get it right away because they are themselves held captive. Die Rote Armee aufbauen is not least a text about difference; surprisingly, not so much the difference between the RAF and what one would take to be its enemies — the German government, capitalism, imperialism, the right wing — but far more about the difference between itself and the remainder of the West German left. Kriegt raus, wo die Heime sind. The key members of the founder group were with the notable exception of Baader university educated, and included high-profile professionals such as the journalist Meinhof and the lawyer Mahler.
Ensslin had been enrolled in a PhD program. When they devalue political theory and academic debate as the chattering of other middle-class intellectuals, who are too comfortable or too lily-livered to admit that personal engagement and action are what really matters, the new revolutionaries are distancing themselves from their own social and intellectual backgrounds. The notion that marginalized groups such as young people in care will rise and join them is coupled with the expectation that other elements among the people will be fired up by their action. It is clearly not uppermost in their minds that the operation to free Baader has in practical terms done nothing for the workers and nothing for the outcasts, but was primarily an expression of solidarity with one of their own.
They call it an Aktion operation , a key word in German left-wing parlance. That, importantly, makes it an altruistic act. The manifesto is written in the voice of the collective. In Die Rote Armee aufbauen, the shift into a revolutionary mode is signaled via a shift into radically low register, reminiscent of the rebellious colloquial energy of the television drama Bambule. Like Bambule, the manifesto reads like a practical experiment in rejecting the conventions of language. In her drama, Meinhof had tested the idea that formal language supports the hierarchies of a class-based system, and is used to disable action for change.
As the language of the system, it is the means by which the system protects itself. What Die Rote Armee aufbauen fails to acknowledge is that this language is as inauthentic to most members of the RAF as middle-class diction was to the girls in the Eichenhof home. What signifies is armed action. When she heroicized the demonstrations that followed the gun attack on Rudi Dutschke in , Meinhof described acts of physical violence that, to her mind, deserved the positively connoted term resistance.
Because formal language is associated with powerful institutions schools, universities, the government, the law , the deliberate subversion of its rules can be read as rebellious, even as revolutionary. The cavalier approach taken to linguistic conventions signals a diminishment of the status of language that is in keeping with the primacy of praxis. Traversing the boundaries of language — breaking the rules — is a significant act. For real adolescents, crossing the boundaries of polite language goes hand-in-hand with crossing other thresholds in life. Whether in adolescents crossing over to become adults, or in adult RAF members throwing over their previous lives to become revolutionaries, it is an attempt at self-empowerment; it expresses a will to occupy a position of authority rather than submitting in a childlike way to authority.
A year after this text was written, twenty-year-old Petra Schelm became the first RAF member to die in an exchange of fire with police, and it was unclear for some time whether the Berlin library worker Georg Linke would survive his liver injury. The bravado of Die Rote Armee aufbauen almost certainly reflects, or is an attempt to hide, the nervousness and insecurity of the group in its new context of armed violence.
Instead of including the group addressed, the pronoun excludes its audience. The impetus is toward separateness rather than togetherness, something that comes to characterize the textual stance of the RAF. Something structurally similar is happening at the beginning of Die Rote Armee aufbauen. A rhetorical bridge is built between ex-convict Andreas Baader and those who are, metaphorically, prisoners of their social circumstances.
The comparison only stands up if the energy of the text distracts the reader from looking more closely, or thinking too carefully. But the name it adopted — Rote Armee Fraktion — expresses the notion that, as a faction or fraction, it was in fact one part of a greater whole.
In her columns Meinhof had routinely used historical and geographical parallels to dramatize the West German situation: peace protesters were the new Jews under a new fascism, and student rebels the new Vietnamese, under fire from imperialist forces in Berlin;17 now the RAF was framing its actions in a world context that constructed the group as part of a global movement. The struggles for freedom abroad that were its points of inspiration — Bolivia, Vietnam, China, Cuba, Russia, Uruguay — were nationally focused responses to situations of domestic crisis.
West Germany in was not in a comparable situation. Fanon in The Wretched of the Earth suggested that when the inhabitants of the colonies turn around and seek violently to overthrow the self-appointed masters, they are meeting violence with justified violence, something Meinhof in her columns for konkret came to describe as counter-violence, and later as resistance. The much longer second manifesto has a more defensive feel.
It shows the group addressing the robust rejection rather than admiration it has met with on the left. Its members have been called anarchists, irresponsible, unscrupulous, hierarchical in their internal organization, and ruthless in their methods. There is a tangible sense of injury, but the group also feels a threat to its ethos or reputation. Meinhof knew Ray through her own work in journalism, but the Konzept dismisses the interview as inauthentic. Das ist ein Problem und Colvin. That is a step back from the glorification of the armed struggle in Die Rote Armee aufbauen.
After accusations from the left have been countered, and counteraccusations made, the text tackles the question why the creation of a West German urban guerilla is right. The answer it gives is that the Federal Republic is a key player in the U. That is what makes it necessary, in the context of the battle against capitalist imperialism, to destabilize, and ideally disable, the West German government from within. Begriff is the noun from the German verb begreifen to understand , where greifen means literally to grasp or get hold of.
It is a physical notion: naming auf den Begriff bringen arises out of understanding the things we have experienced begreifen , where experience is the basis for the subjective politics of the RAF. But the RAF quickly returns to familiar local territory. Having established that guerilla activity in West Germany is right, possible, and justified, the Konzept goes on to outline a methodology: the strategy of the urban guerilla. Revolutions, we are reminded, have already happened or are in progress in Russia, China, Cuba, Algeria, Palestine, and Vietnam.
In the context of the time, one should not forget how recent were events in Cuba, where in Fidel Castro and Che Guevara had led a successful Communist revolution, in the face of opposition from the United States.
The Konzept Stadtguerilla predated the collapse in of the Uruguayan Tupamaros, who in still looked like the perfect example of functioning urban guerillas. His Minimanual is cited by the RAF as an authoritative document In March , Chancellor Willy Brandt SPD had persuaded a majority in parliament to pass an amnesty for all demonstration-related crimes that attracted a prison sentence of less than eight months. So wurde die Klassenschranke zwischen ihnen und dem Proletariat wieder aufgerichtet.
In this way the class divide between the students and the proletariat was reerected. Nonetheless, after their arrests in the summer of , the same RAF members would invest enormous amounts of energy in the fight to be recognized as political prisoners rather than criminals. Linguistically speaking, the Konzept Stadtguerilla has a distinctly calmer feel after the exhilarated overexcitement of Die Rote Armee aufbauen. To some extent its language continues to flout formal register: we find adjectives like mies lousy and durchgeknallt mental , and verbs such as reinlegen bamboozle or abhauen scram.
All of these words belong to a left-wing revolutionary jargon that had also informed the language of Die Rote Armee aufbauen. Defending itself against fierce criticism that it is replicating Nazi structures, the RAF goes on the offensive with the assertion that anyone who imagines that the illegal organization of armed resistance is akin to Nazi Colvin. The anyone who formula prescribes, even enforces a definition of the person or group it pertains to.
Anyone who thinks, wants, or does one thing, the sentence structure insists, is unavoidably linked with another. The implied causal link may not actually exist, of course: behind the anyone who formulation lurks rhetorical sleight-of-hand. Another common language trick works in a similar way. Protest ist, wenn ich sage, ich mache nicht mehr mit. Praxislos ist proletarischer Internationalismus nur Angeberei.
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